VELUTHAMPI, MACAULAY AND PEPPER

Conflict of interest in trade made them enemies

Though Thiruvananthapuram was the Capital of Venad, in Kerala, South India, the Dewans, Raja Kesavadas and Velu Thampi, stayed at Alapuzha, away from the very weak Kings, Dharma Raja, and his successor, Balarama Varma. When Colin Macaulay became a Resident in 1800, Velu Thampi, his close confidante for seven years, shifted from Alappuzha to Kollam, where he built the Residency for Macaulay. The stay of both the Dewans, far from the administrative capital, was not so innocent, though historians belonging to the Dewans' community have put in all kinds of efforts to make them heroes. British records give ample proof to the effect that, both the Dewans sacrificed public interest for private trade interests, amassing wealth, and finally ending in their own destruction.

Anchuthengu (Anjengo) Fort

The Dewans were more interested in the Anchuthengu (Anjengo) trade settlement and the Alapuzha port, the hubs of trade, did their private trade with the Commercial Resident, overlooking the private interests of the Political Resident. The Commercial Resident of the East India Company was stationed at Anchuthengu, who often was at loggerheads with the Political Resident, especially during, 1760-1810.

Before Anchuthengu, the Company got a foothold in Thalassery in 1682. It was Regent Umayamma Rani, who granted the right to the Company to build a Fort and Factory at Anchuthengu in 1695, where the first trade settlement in Kerala came up. Anchthengu, a coastal town, lies 30 Kilometers North of Thiruvananthapuram, near Varkala. It was the first signalling post in India for ships from England, and the first permanent post on the Malabar Coast, a port of call for East Indian men, playing a vital role in the Anglo-Mysore wars of the 18th century. Anchuthengu was an old Portuguese settlement.

Anjengo, 1790s

Alapuzha port was built and opened by Raja Kesavadas in 1762, and Dharmaraja shifted the administrative Capital of Venad from Padmanabhapuram to Thiruvananthapuram, in 1795, the year in which the Raja signed the treaty with the Governor of Bombay, John Duncan.

The treaty of 1795 is known as the East India Company-Travancore Subsidiary Alliance Treaty, for perpetual friendship and alliance. Travancore thus accepted Company's supremacy. The treaty didn't specifically stipulate the aid of the British forces in suppressing the internal commotion in Travancore, but the march of three British Battalions, after the treaty, restored tranquillity.

Velu Thampi enters

When Velu Thampi took over in 1802, one measure of the economy was the scrapping of the field allowances paid to troops at times of peace, leading to a revolt of troops. The insurgency was crushed by native troops alone, but the Company was disturbed. The Madras Government, insisted on a modification of the treaty so that British troops can aid the Raja to quell the internal commotion, as well. Thus a new treaty was signed in July 1805.

The Mysore invasion of Malabar provided further opportunity for the British to expand, and the Travancore Raja was asked by the Company to meet the entire expense of the 3rd Anglo-Mysore War, on the plea that it was undertaken solely for the defence of Travancore. By the treaty of 1795, the Raja was forced to entertain a Subsidiary Force, far beyond his capacity to subsidize. The Company claimed a monopoly over the pepper trade in Travancore, and the country was dragged into the vortex of financial crisis. Raja was forced to raise loans from bankers and merchants, as well as Britishers inside Travancore, including the Commercial Resident at Anchthengu.

Attingal Palace

As we saw, Umayamma Rani of Attingal, gave the Company rights to establish the Anchuthengu Factory. During her time, the Attingal principality had semi-independence, and she administered over Anchuthengu, which system seems to have continued even after her death, in 1698. London Governor of the East India Company, John Child, had initially given the task to export 1500 tonnes of pepper. Thomas Mitchell, John Brabourne and Simone Cowse were the first Heads at Anchthengu, and the next, John Kyffin was dismissed in 1719, for private trade, and William Gyfford took over. 

On 15 April 1721, 133 factors at Anchuthengu, including Gyfford, were murdered by Kodumon Pillai and some noblemen of the new Queen, sister of Kollam King Unni Kerala Varma, in the premises of the Attingal Palace and the Fort besieged. There was no Attingal Queen for 8 years, from 1713, and the Kollam King had just made his sister, who was Queen of Kallada, the Queen of Attingal, with the help of the Pillais of Attingal. The Factory had refused to pay the lease amount, after 1713. The party led by Gyfford had come with presents and arrears of the lease amount to the Queen. Midford, who followed Gyfford was also corrupt and was replaced by Dr Alexander Orme, loyal to Travancore. On being informed, the King of Travancore, Rama Varma, uncle and predecessor of Marthanda Varma, wrote to Dr  Orme, Head of Anjengo Factory, on 15 August 1723: "Owing to the loss sustained by the Honorable Company,i.e, the capture of Attingal and then money and the artillery which the enemies robbed in our country, the Honorable Company have resolved, despite money expenses, to put down the enemies there in the best manner you may desire, regarding which we affirm to do without fail, and wish to know when we must come with our army".

It should be noted that this letter was not to the Queen of Attingal, who had fled to Kollam. Earlier in the same year, Prince Marthanda Varma, just 17, on behalf of Rama Varma, had entered into a treaty with the Company, on erecting a Fort at Colachel, by the Company. The farms of Palattadi and Kotutali were secured by the Company on 10 January 1731 by way of compensation for the excesses of 1721-the Company took two documents, one from the King, and another from the Queen. On 5 April 1729, the Queen of Attingal, Pururuttathi Thirunal (Marthanda Varma's mother; her sister was issueless), entered into an agreement with the Company, in which she stated: "All pepper that (I) may have in my country, I will cause to be transported to the Fort of Anjengo, free of any embarrassment, whatever in these territories. And the Company must not give to any other person but to me, the customs for pepper of my country".

This means that the Attingal Queen, not the Travancore Raja, was getting the trade benefit from Anchuthengu. So, Marthanda Varma prevailed upon her about 1736-37, to renounce all the rights she had been exercising over that principality, and the Attingal family was shifted to Sreepadam Palace in Thiruvananthapuram.

Marthanda Varma delayed fulfilling the terms of the pepper contract originally entered into by the Company, with the Queen of Attingal, and the Company ran a tirade against him, for divesting the Queen of all authority. John Spencer, Chief of Anjengo, informed the Select Committee of Madras, that the country is in the absolute power of Marthanda Varma. Spencer met Surgeon Edward Ives, who wrote, Ives Travels, on his ship off the coast, and in his book(page 192), Ives said: "At a distance of half a mile from the river is a temple, where the Queen lives. Till of late, the town and country of Attinga were quite independent, but now subject to Travancore."The story gets repeated in James Forbes, Forbe's Oriental Memoirs,1773. Forbes was Chief at Anchuthengu, till 1772. The picture was somewhat different from what the Britishers tried to paint; the Queen was accommodated honourably.

Abercrombie

Pepper contract

In his Desultory Notes, Colin Campbell Macaulay, who was Political Resident during 1800-1810, referred to the contract for pepper in January 1793, with the King of Travancore, by General Robert Abercrombie, Governor of Bombay, while criticizing the conduct of the Commercial Resident at Anchthengu, Augustus William Handley. In that contract for 10 years, the Raja bound himself to deliver annually, 3000 candies (1 candy=746 kilos), at Rs 117/Candy, under a penalty of Rs 57.50 for each Candy deficient. From the date of this contract, Macaulay says, Handley, the Commercial Resident had no duty or function in respect of pepper, but to receive it from the Raja and ship it for England. He was an Officer of custody solely, receiving a rate of commission. Macaulay, then adds: A Dewan of Travancore could never be a purchaser of pepper from the Commercial Resident.

It means Velu Thampi had a trade relationship with Handley. While the contract was in force, the supply of pepper by the King, except for two years, fell short of the contract. On its expiry, Handley claimed some penalties and complained to the Madras Council that Macaulay was not allowing him to communicate directly with the Raja and his ministers. For us, this is a sufficient hint for the fact that a trade rivalry existed between Macaulay, Handley and Velu Thampi. Handley (1764-1808) was the son of Thomas Handley and was married to Anatolia De la Martiliere. He died at Kollam on July 1, 1808, survived by children, Charles Antolius Handley(born 1801) and Augustus Bernard Handley(1803-1877).

Handley

Macaulay, on the expiry of Abercrombie's contract in 1803, signed a new contract with the King for five years, which said the King would supply 3000 Candies of pepper at Rs 127/Candy, with a penalty at Rs 84 .75/ each Candy short delivered.

Macaulay has asserted in his Notes, that Velu Thampi had private trade relations with the Commercial Resident John Smee, and there was an application in April 1809, to settle accounts of Thampi and Smee, of course, after the suicide of Thampi, in March. On February 10, 1810, Macaulay found an earlier letter from Smee to Thampi, for a supply of the best coir at a very low price. A letter from Smee to Snow, on September 8, 1809, showed Smee had made arrangements with Thampi for liquidation of a claim at Rs 3000/men sem. There was always a favour price for Smee. Smee had received once 300 Candies of pepper, not for the Company. When once questioned, Macaulay says, Thampi had admitted matters of favour with Smee. There was evidence for Thampi's trade of pepper with Smee at much a lower rate, exposing a kickback scandal. Macaulay had complained that Smee had conducted clandestine correspondence with Thampi. The Linguist at Anchuthengu Fort, S D Fernandez also had engaged in 'treacherable' intrigues with Thampi; Macaulay had enclosed a letter by Fernandez to Thampi, without signature.

Corruption at Anchuthengu

Duncan

Anchuthengu was known for corruption before Macaulay, particularly, when John Hutchinson was the Commercial Resident from 1782-1787. Walter Ewer, Company Director, after his visit had written in 1796, that though the salary of Hutchinson was only Rs 200, he had made a fortune. His assistant, Dune was getting only Rs 140, after seven years of service, and Snow, another assistant, Rs 90. After making a lot of money, Hutchinson lends it to the Travancore King, Dharma Raja.

After his death, Hutchinson's brother Bury approached the Select Committee in London, in 1832, to get back the arrears from the King. Macaulay gave evidence to the Committee. Hutchinson had lent money to Dharmaraja, who died in 1797. Hutchinson too died in the same year. Seeing rampant corruption, by the Act 37 of George III, loans by East India Company Officials to royal families etc was, prohibited. 

The trial of Warren Hastings proved that he had lent loans to the Nawab of Arcot. The case was, Hutchinson lent money before the Act came into force. In 1795, John Duncan, Governor of Bombay examined the case and made a part payment from the money Travancore had paid the Company, to Hutchinson Estate. George Parry, the successor of Hutchinson, had written on March 13,1800, that out of Rs 4,89,735 Dharma Raja owed to Hutchinson, as principal with an interest of 16%, 2,80,000 has been paid. Governors, Wellesley, Barlowe and Minto, all had examined the affair. Hutchinson gave the unsettled state of his pecuniary transactions with the King as a reason for declining to accept a seat in the Madras Council. It was also found that Thomas Baber, Collector at Thalassery was helping the Travancore royal family in the case; they visited him in 1818. He had fallen out with the Governor of Madras, Stephen Lushington, who took over after Thomas Munro. On Baber's return journey to India in 1833 February, his letters to the King of Travancore were intercepted by the British.

Macaulay was getting Rs 19,000 annually, according to British records. The records also show that he was allowed to sell to "Ram Raja", certain houses and grounds in the vicinities of Anjengo.

Destruction of Cochin

A book by Anne Bulley, The Bombay Country Ships, 1790-1838, records the destruction of Cochin by Macaulay, who was a Resident of Cochin too, staying at Bolgatty Palace. On the resumption of the French war in 1803, afraid that the French would take advantage, Colin Macaulay blew up the greater part of Cochin and demolished fortifications, barracks, arsenals and even quays along the harbour. The only building left was the church and tower of the Dutch Company's offices-formerly, the tower of the Portuguese Cathedral. 

Two years later, Sakthan Thampuran died and the Nair revolt assured complete destruction. In 1809, Travancoreans attacked and destroyed the Customs House at Mattancherry, after the revolt of Velu Thampi. On February 28, 1809, the cruiser, Lively, from Bombay, which had come for help, succeeded in grounding opposite the Palace and the officer commanding, Lieutenant Gilmore had her blown up, in case, she fell to the enemy. The book records, Cochin would have been a viable alternative to Bombay to build ships, if its history was not turbulent(But the reference in the book, Mattancherry palace was blown up, taken from Francis Day's 1863 book, The Land of Perumals Or Cochin, is baseless. Repeated references are there in Day's book on the Nair Brigade's attack on the Dutch Governor's house. It is the Bolgatty Palace, built in 1744.

It is felt by historians that the King was put into dire straits by insistence on the arrears of the tribute by Residents like Macaulay. He admits he asked for 15 lakhs once and got 10. He calculates that the King had a revenue of Rs 25 lakhs, and comments: But it was hoarded inside vaults, inside temples. Once placed there, the difficulty of extracting it for secular purposes was great.

It is interesting to read the letters Macaulay wrote to the Chief Secretary, Madras, from the ship in the sea, after the attack on his Residency, Bolgatty Palace, on 28 December 1808. The Desultory Notes ends, spewing venom on the dead Velu Thampi:

Had this man been brought to me alive, it was my determination to have him arraigned and tried before a drum-head court martial. For the atrocious murder of a party of the 12th Regiment, consisting of 33 non-committed officers and privates, driven by the stress of weather to seek shelter on the coast, and ordered by him, to be put to death, after undergoing, by his express commands, (the proof of which was in my possession), a series of lingering cruelties and torments, exceeding anything, perhaps, which the annals of savage ferocity and barbarity record. And then, as a just example, to have him hanged on a gibbet erected in the centre of the 12th Regiment, formed in a square....these my intentions were formally made known to Lieutenant Colonel Pickton, commanding His Majesty's 12th Regiment and to Colonel Chalmers, the Officer in Command of that Division of the forces of which the 12th Regiment formed a part...but that man, anticipating in all probability his fate, committed suicide."

Velu Thampi

Macaulay says a notification was made public within Anchuthengu, under the authority (of Velu Thampi), which stated the Company disapproved and condemned the conduct of Colonel Macaulay, for having changed the mode of weighing pepper. "I made efforts from time to time, to save him, from the precipice, on the brink of which he placed himself, but in vain", Macaulay laments and adds: "but he found himself, as it would appear, so far committed to the cold-blooded and congenially wicked wretch of a Raja (BalaramaVarma), whom he served, as to make it more difficult for him to wade on".

Reference:

1. Essays on Travancore/Ulloor S Parameswara Iyer
2. Desultory Notes/Colin Macaulay
3. Proceedings on the Travancore claim since the report of the Select Committee
4. The Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British and Foreign India, China and Australia, 1834, Vol 13
5. India Office Records on Macaulay
6. The Bombay Country Ships 1790-1838/Anne Bulley

© Ramachandran

See my Post, CHEMPIL ARAYAN'S ATTACK ON MACAULAY