PRASANT BHUSHAN DIDN"T SUPPORT KARNAN

Karnan a Judge was Imprisoned for Contempt

While lawyer Prashant Bhushan was on the verge of being punished for contempt of court,the pseudo secular lobby was up in arms against the Judiciary. Ironically, in 2017, Bhushan had hailed the Supreme Court judgment against Justice Karnan and tweeted how he was “Glad SC finally jailed Karnan for gross contempt of court.” One cannot fail to observe that in his tweet Bhushan did not address the sitting judge of the Kolkata High Court as ‘justice’.

This was Bhushan’s tweet:

Glad SC finally jailed Karnan for gross contempt of court.He made reckless charges on judges &then passed absurd 'orders' against SC judges!
11:33 AM · May 9, 2017

Bhushan’s tweet also implies that he is not against the Contempt of Courts Act per se but rather supports the legislation. The Contempt of Courts Act is an archaic legislation, first enacted in 1926. It has its origins in the British law. The legislation was amended later on and the present law was enacted in 1971. While the UK did away with the offence in the contempt law long ago, India continues to hold on to this. The Law Commission in its report on the Contempt Act 1971, has argued that India has a large number of cases (almost one lakh at the time of submission of the report in 2018) whereas the UK had its last such case in 1931. Hence, the Commission observed that “the high number of cases (in India) justify the continuing relevance of the Act.”

Justice Karnan had to serve the entire sentence and his appeal for pardon and review at various fora, including Parliament and to then President of India Pranab Mukherjee, was ignored.

Both the cases are related to the violation of Contempt of Courts Act that has a maximum punishment of six months jail term and/or fine of Rs 2,000. In that sense, Justice Karnan was awarded the maximum punishment under the Act and sentenced without even initiating the proceeding for his impeachment.

In a brief summary of the case, BBC World wrote: “The stand-off dates from January (2017), when Justice Karnan wrote a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi flagging up the names of 20 judges he alleged were corrupt.” The summary also stated that “The top court has barred the media from publishing and broadcasting Justice Karnan’s statements.” So, we don’t know his side of the story or the entire story.

Many journalists had opposed the Supreme Court’s gag order on the case reporting. Ashok Malik, presently Policy Advisor in the Ministry of External Affairs had tweeted saying, “So what if a newspaper reports Justice Karnan’s statements? Does the Supreme Court send the editor and reporter to prison? Under which law?”

The editorials and op-eds written at that time, we will find that every editor or writer was united in supporting the judgment. Same was the case with the prime time debates.

Pained by the coverage of his case, Justice Karnan had written an open letter to the media: “I have often mentioned in my communications that I am a victim of caste discrimination…It is most unfortunate and perhaps a national disaster that such critical issues never figured in most of the national publications.” He wanted the media to act in a fair and unbiased manner.

Justice Karnan had not made any public allegation of corruption against any judge. Rather, he had sent his complaint to the Prime Minister’s Office in a sealed envelope. Bhushan made the allegations on social media and were thus in the public domain.

So, how does one understand the outrage in Prashant Bhushan’s case but silence when Justice Karnan was convicted?

It can be said since Justice Karnan is a Dalit, the media acted with bias and failed to present his case in totality. Similarly, it can be said that since Prashant Bhushan belongs to the upper caste and the ruling elite, and his father Shanti Bhushan was the law minister in the Morarji Desai Cabinet. The reason for the intelligentsia not supporting Justice Karnan has more to do with their association or disassociation with the ruling structure as well as with the nature of Karnan and Bhushan’s allegations.Bhushan kis surely,pseudo secularism’s blue eyed boy.

What was the Karnan case?

Allegations of misconduct by Justice C.S. Karnan, who was sent to jail in Kolkata on Wednesday, to serve a six-month prison term for contempt of court, have been recorded in detail by past Chief Justices and Acting Chief Justices of the Madras High Court, where he served between 2009 and 2016.

Karnan had a long history of confrontation and conflict with his colleagues in the High Court and many of them were so afraid of his threats and harassment that they wanted to seek voluntary transfer to other High Courts.

Copies of correspondence among judges available with The Hindu show that Mr. Karnan was not only accused of repeated harassment of fellow judges and threatening them with prosecution, but also of seeking particular portfolios so that he could deal with “high potential cases.”

Further, there were complaints that he sat over judgments for many months after reserving orders and that he had no respect for court timings.

“He comes and goes as he pleases, sometimes sitting late and many times rising within an hour of sitting,” says a detailed letter from then Chief Justice, Sanjay Kishan Kaul, now a judge of the Supreme Court, on April 22, 2015.

In some cases,  Karnan disposed of the matters after written complaints were brought to his notice.

The letter summarised the charges and complaints against  Karnan. “Inability to get along with any of his colleagues”, “his perception that he is ragged by his colleagues”, “the threats held out by him to other judges,” “abusive language to his own colleagues, including women judges”, “his obsession with particular rosters, considered by him to be ‘high potential cases’” and “grave doubts being raised both on his competence and character”, are some instances of his conduct found in it.

Justice Kaul pointed out the irony in Karnan threatening one and all with action under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, while his two principal targets (Justice V. Dhanapalan and Justice S. Manikumar) are from a SC community.

In November 2011, Justice Karnan complained to the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) that he was being victimised and humiliated by other judges.

The then Chief Justice, M.Y. Eqbal, wrote to the Chief Justice of India (CJI) explaining the developments. He noted that on October 8, 2011,  Karnan made a written request for allotment of work either on the Writ Side or the Criminal Side on a regular basis. He was allotted bail and anticipatory bail portfolio two days later. “However, to my shock and surprise, within a few days of his dealing with Bail and Anticipatory Bail, I received oral complaints that Justice C.S. Karnan had granted bail in sensational cases involving State Ministers for other considerations.” The Chief Justice took back the portfolio only to be confronted by some advocates who took up Mr. Karnan’s cause.

In a letter to the CJI, Chief Justice R.K. Agrawal recorded how on January 8, 2014, Mr. Karnan barged into his chambers and hurled a volley of invectives.

Noting that he was getting complaints about the judge from many other judges and advocates, Justice Agrawal felt  Karnan’s conduct tended to undermine the Chief Justice’s dignity. “In fact, some of my brother judges are afraid of him,” he said, while recommending Mr. Karnan’s transfer out of the Madras High Court at the earliest.

A memorandum signed by 20 judges recounts an incident at an official dinner at the Tamil Nadu State Judicial Academy in honour of new Chief Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul. Mr. Karnan first sat in a lounge and started abusing the High Court’s Registrars. Later, he entered the Library Hall, where the judges were waiting, and “started abusing the judges in filthy language.”

They said, “He went on taunting every judge assembled at the dinner meet and challenged them to reply to his unwarranted, unimaginable and unpalatable questions…”

They also recalled that he had misbehaved at a Full Court meeting held when Justice Satish K. Agnihotri was the Acting CJ.

Karnan also raised issues concerning selection of judges alleging that corruption and favouritism were behind the names being considered. He frequently threatened to file complaints before the NCSC against judges and officials.

The Supreme Court on 9 May 2017 held Calcutta High Court Judge Karnan guilty of contempt of court, judiciary and judicial process and sentenced him to six months imprisonment.

"We are of the unanimous opinion that Justice C.S. Karnan has committed contempt of court, judiciary and judicial process of the gravest nature," Chief Justice J.S. Khehar mentioned in the order.

The court also ordered media not to publish the content of orders passed by Justice Karnan, who on Monday issued an order sentencing eight Supreme Court judges to five years of “rigorous imprisonment” and imposed a fine of Rs. 1,00,000 each under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act of 1989 and the amended Act of 2015.

The eight include members of the seven-judge Bench, headed by Justice Khehar which, in February, issued a contempt order against him on the charge of degrading the judiciary.

Justice Karnan, on his part, directed the Supreme Court judges “to appear before him on May 28” and later “reposted” the matter to May 1.

The Supreme Court Bench ordered Justice Karnan to be medically examined and on May 4, he refused to undergo medical tests as directed by the Supreme Court and told the team of doctors, in a written response, that he is “absolutely normal and with a stable mind.”

മാപ്പിള ലഹള:പച്ചയും ചുവപ്പും -പുസ്തകം ഇറങ്ങി

ഇതാ രണ്ടു പുതിയ പുസ്തകങ്ങൾ 

വാരിയം കുന്നത്ത് കുഞ്ഞഹമ്മദ്‌ ‌ ഹാജിയെ മഹാനായി ചിത്രീകരിക്കാൻ  മുസ്ലിം മത മൗലിക വാദികളും മാർക്സിസ്റ്റ് ചരിത്രകാരന്മാരും വർഗീയ ചലച്ചിത്രകാരന്മാരും കൊണ്ടു പിടിച്ചു ശ്രമിക്കുന്നതിനിടെ മാപ്പിള ലഹളയെ ആധാരമാക്കി രണ്ടു പുസ്തകങ്ങൾ ഇറങ്ങി -പത്രപ്രവർത്തകനും എഴുത്തുകാരനുമായ രാമചന്ദ്രൻ എഴുതിയ 'മലബാർ ജിഹാദ്‌',അദ്ദേഹം പരിഭാഷ ചെയ്ത സി ഗോപാലൻ നായരുടെ 'മാപ്പിള ലഹള 1921'.

മാപ്പിള ലഹളയെപ്പറ്റി ആദ്യം പുറത്തിറങ്ങിയ പുസ്തകം മലബാർ ഡെപ്യൂട്ടി കലക്റ്ററായിരുന്ന ഗോപാലൻ നായർ ഇംഗ്ലീഷിൽ 1923 ൽ എഴുതിയത്  ആയിരുന്നു.അക്കാലത്ത് വന്ന പത്ര റിപ്പോർട്ടുകളുടെ സമാഹാരമാണ് ഇത്.പത്രങ്ങൾ മിക്കവയും ഇന്നില്ലാത്തതിനാൽ,ഇത് സുപ്രധാന ചരിത്ര രേഖയാണെന്ന് അവതാരികയിൽ ഡോ കെ എസ് രാധാകൃഷ്ണൻ വ്യക്തമാക്കുന്നു.സ്വയം രാജാക്കന്മാരായി അവരോധിച്ച മത മൗലിക വാദികളുടെ തനി നിറം ഇതിൽ കാണാം.

ഹൈദരാലിയുടെ കാലം മുതൽ മലബാറിൽ സംഭവിച്ച ഇസ്ലാമികവൽക്കരണ പശ്ചാത്തലത്തിൽ.മാപ്പിള ലഹളയുടെ ഉള്ളടക്കം വിശകലനം ചെയ്യുന്ന 'മലബാർ ജിഹാദ്‌'എന്ന  രാമചന്ദ്രൻറെ പുസ്തകം ,ആദ്യമായി അബനി മുക്കർജി മാപ്പിള ലഹളയെപ്പറ്റി എഴുതിയ പ്രബന്ധം പുറത്തു കൊണ്ട് വരുന്നു.1921 ഒടുവിൽ മുക്കർജി എഴുതി ലെനിന് നൽകിയ പ്രബന്ധത്തിലാണ്,ലഹള വർഗീയ സമരമാണെന്ന തല തിരിഞ്ഞ വിശകലനം വന്നത്.ഇത് ആവർത്തിച്ച കെ എൻ പണിക്കരെ പോലുള്ള കൂലി ചരിത്രകാരന്മാർ മുക്കർജിയെ തമസ്കരിച്ചു;വ്യാഖ്യാനം മോഷ്ടിച്ചു.ഗാന്ധിയുടെ നിലപാടും പുസ്തകത്തിൽ വിമർശിക്കപ്പെടുന്നു.

പുസ്തകത്തിന്റെ ആമുഖത്തിൽ രാമചന്ദ്രൻ പറയുന്നു:

"1836 നവംബറിൽ തുടങ്ങിയ പോരിന്റെ തുടർച്ചയായിരുന്നു,1921.അതിന് മുൻപ് ഏതാണ്ട് 80 മാപ്പിള കലാപങ്ങൾ നടന്നു.കുടുംബ പരമായി തന്നെ വംശഹത്യാ പാരമ്പര്യമുള്ള കാളവണ്ടിക്കാരൻ ഫസൽ പൂക്കോയ തങ്ങളെ നാട് കടത്തിയതിലുള്ള പക മലബാർ കലക്‌ടർ ഹെൻറി വാലന്റൈൻ കൊണോലിയുടെ കൊലയിൽ കലാശിച്ചു.കലാപങ്ങളിൽ ക്ഷേത്രങ്ങൾ മാപ്പിളമാരുടെ ലക്ഷ്യങ്ങൾ ആയിരുന്നു.മഞ്ചേരി ക്ഷേത്രത്തിൽ 92 മാപ്പിളമാർ ബ്രിട്ടീഷ് പട്ടാളത്തിന് ഇരകളായ കഥ ചരിത്രത്തിലുണ്ട്.ക്ഷേത്ര വളപ്പുകളിൽ പശുക്കളെ അറുത്ത് അവയുടെ ആന്തരാവയവങ്ങൾ വിഗ്രഹങ്ങളിൽ ചാർത്തുന്നതും വിഗ്രഹങ്ങൾ തകർക്കുന്നതും ക്ഷേത്രങ്ങൾ ചാമ്പലാക്കുന്നതും ഏത് മാപ്പിള ലഹളയിലും കാണാം.

"ഇവ വർഗ സമരമാണെന്ന് കെ എൻ പണിക്കർ മുതൽ വെളുത്താട്ട് കേശവൻ വരെയുള്ള മാർക്സിസ്റ്റ് ചരിത്രകാരന്മാർ കണ്ടത്,വക്രതയും കുടുമ്മി വച്ച അശ്ലീലവുമാണെന്ന് എന്നെ ചരിത്ര ബോധം പഠിപ്പിച്ചു.ചരിത്ര ബോധം ഒന്നേയുള്ളു;മാർക്സിസ്റ്റ് ചരിത്ര ബോധം എന്നൊന്നില്ല.കുഷ്ഠം ഒരു രോഗമാണ്;മാർക്സിസ്റ്റ് കുഷ്ഠം എന്നൊന്നില്ല.മാപ്പിള ലഹളയിൽ ഏറ്റവും പീഡനം അനുഭവിച്ചത് നായന്‍മാരും നമ്പൂതിരിമാരും ചില ക്ഷത്രിയരുമാണ് -തീയരുമുണ്ട്.ജനിച്ച സമുദായത്തെയും മതത്തെയും വഞ്ചിക്കുകയാണ്,മത ഭ്രാന്തിനെ വർഗ സമരമാക്കുക വഴി നായരും നമ്പൂതിരിയുമായ മാർക്സിസ്റ്റ് ചരിത്രകാരന്മാർ ചെയ്തത്.അവരിൽ പ്രധാനികൾ സി ഗോപാലൻ നായർ ഇംഗ്ലീഷിൽ എഴുതിയ 'മാപ്പിള ലഹള 1921' പകർത്തി വച്ചിട്ടുമുണ്ട്."

പച്ചയും ചുവപ്പുമല്ലാത്ത ചരിത്രമാണ് ഈ പുസ്തകങ്ങളിലുള്ളത്.

രണ്ടിന്റെയും പ്രകാശനം കുരുക്ഷേത്ര പ്രകാശൻ,കലൂർ,കൊച്ചി.ഫോൺ 0484 2338324

മലബാർ ജിഹാദ്, പേജ് 184,വില 180 രൂപ.

മാപ്പിള ലഹള, 1921 പേജ് 144 വില 150 രൂപ 

ADHIKARI'S THESIS FOR JINNAH AND PAKISTAN

The Left Supported  Islamic Fundamentalism

Dr. Gangadhar Adhikari (1898 – 1981) is best known in party circles as the bridegroom who forgot his wedding day. He was an eccentric Marxist theoretician and prolific writer. He was the former general secretary of the Communist Party of India (CPI). He was a chemical scientist who earned his PhD degree in Berlin in 1927. He worked with some of the best scientists, attending lectures by Max Planck and Albert Einstein.

Dr Adhikari was in Germany between 1922 and 1928 and was attracted to Marxism. He joined the German Communist Party. He returned to India in 1928 and joined the Communist Party of India. He was arrested in the Meerut Conspiracy Case.  Einstein wrote an open letter to the British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald seeking the release of the scientist Adhikari.

Adhikari was elected the General Secretary of the Communist Party of India in the National Conference at Kolkata in 1933.

He was a member of the CPI Politburo from 1943-1951.

When the clamour for Pakistan by the Muslim League, on the basis of Jinnah’s two-nation theory, was warming up, and Congress leaders were in jail following the uprising of August 1942, the CPI released a ‘thesis’, drafted by Gangadhar Adhikari. Adhikari's position on the national question, published in 1943 under the name Pakistan and Indian National Unity, was inspired by Joseph Stalin's Marxism and the National Question as it stressed the importance of nationality to share a common language, a defined territory and a common national consciousness.

The substance of the thesis was that there was no such nation as India, that India was really a conglomeration of as many as eighteen different ‘nationalities’ and that each one of these nationalities had the right to secede from the conglomeration. The communist understanding was that Muslims would be oppressed by the Hindus in united India and that the League had become ‘progressive’.

Supporting Jinnah’s demand for Pakistan, the communists argued that secession, far from dismembering the country, would “lead to still greater and more glorious unity of India, the like of which India has not seen in her history.”

Adhikari's Pakistan thesis was the speech, On the Present National Questions in India, at an Enlarged Central Committee meeting of the Communist Party of India, held in September 1942. It was published in Labour Monthly, March 1943, pp. 87-91.

Here is an abridged version of the thesis, published in the Labour Monthly:

Pakistan and Indian National Unity

By G Adhikari

The question of national unity, of Hindu-Muslim unity, has always been before our country and therefore only if we see its evolution side by side with that of our national movement, can we understand it properly in its present phase. The question itself has gone through different phases of development alongside the different phases through which our national movement itself has gone. However, only such a historical dynamic treatment of the problem can enable us to understand its significance today, in today’s phase of our national movement. Old ways of looking at the problem, old solutions, still persist in our understanding, and quite naturally so. These tendencies, these outmoded ways of thinking, which really form the deviations of today, have to be brought out and nailed down sharply, not only in terms of principles but also in terms of historical evolution, otherwise, they cannot be rooted out. Comrades raise several doubts and several questions. Where do these arise from?

From nowhere else except our own former approach to the problem before the outbreak of the war. That is why a historical-political review is necessary, a review of how the question of Hindu-Muslim unity is developed through the three different phases of our national movement. Only in this way can we understand the significance of Pakistan and of the demand for the self-determination of nationalities; only in this way can we understand exactly why these demands have arisen now at this time and not before.

Let's look back and examine the evolution of the problem. We find three distinct approaches to the problem in three distinct periods, each one corresponding to a particular phase of our national movement.

In the first and earliest period, it was the fundamental axiom of the national movement (which was itself in its earliest period) that India is one nation; the difference between the Hindus and the Muslims is only one of religion; the stronger the national urge among the masses of both religions grows, the sooner this difference will go off and Hindus and Muslims will grow together as one. At this period, propaganda for unity on the basis of nationalism against imperialism was considered the adequate solution to the problem. Such propaganda was carried on by the Liberals in the earliest period of the national movement and the Liberals at that period were the leaders of the incipient national movement. The Liberals, who were the earliest nationalists, just argued: “What is needed to solve the problem is nationalist consciousness.” This period lasted till about 1921 when it reached its culmination in the Khilafat-Congress unity.

The second period lasts from 1921 up to about 1936. In this period, with the further development of the nationalist movement, comes a further development of the problem of Hindu-Muslim unity themselves, and then seemingly “new” problems crop up ... To have a static conception of a nation is to be blind to all such development, is to be blind to historical development and reality. Let us take the case of our own country. There have been different nationalities, not yet grown to full nationhood, lying dormant within it. Actually, it was the foreign power, by its conquest and consequent shattering of all the old forms of economy, which actually started the process of “national” development. Before this foreign conquest, India was mainly of a feudal-village economy and therefore could not be called a “nation” in the modern bourgeois sense of the term. Before the British conquest of India, there was no part of India which can be described as a nation in the bourgeois sense. How then does this “national” development begin under the British in a typically uneven way? Such an uneven development had already set in even under a pre-capitalist economy, due to various historical and geographical causes. But this uneven development is accentuated by imperialism. This accentuated uneven development, imposed by imperialist exploitation and by the imperialist imposed distorted thwarted forms of capitalist development, gives rise in the course of time to various problems. In certain parts, bourgeois development comes earliest; these parts naturally lead the national anti-imperialist movement and at that stage, we ourselves were not conscious that we are actually a multi-national state. As bourgeois development goes on spreading and as the masses of the people and especially the peasantry in all parts of India wake up to political consciousness, then it is that individual national movements begin to arise within the framework of the all-Indian national movement against imperialism.

It was this unrest of the border nationalities, their democratic movement for self-expression within the broad framework of the struggle against Tsarism, that characterises the Russia of 1912-14. Bourgeois separatist movements arise in the border nationalities, seeking to take advantage of, and exploit, this democratic sentiment of the masses. As against this, the labour movement in the border regions led by the Bolsheviks seeks to combat this separatist tendency and to unite all the nationalities for the struggle against Tsarism. This is the crux of the national problem that came up before the Bolshevik Party in 1912. The Bolsheviks realised that only by recognising the essentially democratic and progressive character of this striving of the nationalities for self-determination, only by conceding this as a right, could they fight the bourgeois separatist tendencies successfully and forge unbreakable all-in unity against the Tsarist autocracy. The Bolsheviks demarcated clearly between two things: (1) the awakening to the national consciousness of new nationalities, an awakening which was historically progressive and found its expression in the demand for self-determination; (2) the way in which the bourgeoisie within these nationalities was seeking to take advantage of this essentially democratic urge of the masses and lead it into their own separatist class channels. They realised that granting the first is the only way to defeat the second and to forge a greater revolutionary unity of all the masses than ever before.

Similarly, here too in our own country, the problem of unifying the different sections of our people against imperialism, for the war of liberation against Fascism arises at a time when the spread of the national movement has aroused various dormant nationalities of our land to life when new “national” urges are beginning to appear under this impact. Unless we recognise this fact, we cannot find the key to unity today.

It is when we examine the present period that the full force of Stalin’s remark comes out before us: “In the case of India, too, it will probably be found that innumerable nationalities, till then lying dormant, would come to life with the further course of bourgeois development.”

We Communists recognise, and explain clearly to the people, two things: (1) The problem of nationalities can only be solved in a firm and lasting manner under Socialism when the disuniting factor of the bourgeoisie disappears; (2) But at the same time, a partial solution is also possible under capitalism, but only under conditions of complete and full democracy. The solution which the C.P.S.U. put forward in 1917 was one of attaining complete democracy, of a radical complete democratic revolution.

This is the crux of the problem which the bourgeois reformists entirely pass over. The problem today is not a constitution-mongering problem of remaking boundaries. The question of communal unity must be seen as a revolutionary question of forging revolutionary unity of all sections of our people to break the imperialist-feudal rule. The breaking of this rule is the precondition to the people being able to remake boundaries in a democratic way.

This is where the Communist solution is a revolutionary solution and is sharply demarcated from all constitution-mongering of the Liberals and the bourgeois reformists. To try to wander off into ethnographic pastimes and boundary-making formulae is to stray from the revolutionary path into the path of reformism. The problem before us today is not one of drawing maps and making boundaries, but one of forging the revolutionary unity of action of all sections of our people, to win the expected war, of liberation and to secure the common freedom of all.

This is what is stressed in paragraph 1 of our Resolution. That our solution is not a constitutional solution, that the cornerstone of our policy is the unity of the masses as the vanguard of the national movement.

Our policy with respect to the Hindu-Moslem problem fits into this general framework. This policy has to be sharply and clearly demarcated from (1) the stand of Jinnah and the separatists; (2) the stand of the National Congress leadership; (3) the stand of the Akhanda Hindustan-wallas...

It is necessary, in closing, to stress once again one important point – that is the crux of Communist policy. The question of the self-determination of nationalities is to be looked upon as a political revolutionary question, not a constitutional question.

It is the constitutionalist whose first question is: “Whether to separate or not.” But Communists say: When we grant the right of self-determination as an unconditional right, then this right becomes the hallmark of sovereignty, of equality. The way in which we should pose the question of nationalities is: how shall we define the nationalities so as to create conditions where there still be the fullest and freest flowering and development of national characteristics? We keep two aspects in mind, two aspects which cannot be separated: (1) Right of separation; (2) Object of unification. Our solution itself is no static solution. In the Soviet Union, for example, after the Revolution itself, a number of nationalities attained full-fledged nationhood in the course of time. Hence, we steadily keep before ourselves the two criteria: (1) the grant of the right of separation dispels distrust and creates unity here and now. (2) We should so demarcate the nationalities that in a free and democratic India, the nationalities will grow and flower, will develop towards Socialism.

A BRAZIL GOVERNOR AND 67 INDIAN CORRUPT COMPANIES

J K Tyre Involved in Corruption

In India 67 business accountants have been frozen by the ED in connection with the embezzlement by a provincial governor of Brazil.India has not revealed the details.Who is the governor and what is the fraud?

In all probability,the governor is Helder Barbalho and the fraud is related to the purchase of ventilators.

Two Brazilian governors came under  fire in June over allegations of corruption related to Covid-19 spending, with one having his home raided and another set to face an impeachment process.

Federal police raided the government palace of Para state in the Amazon region as well Governor Helder Barbalho’s home as part of an investigation into alleged fraud in the purchase of ventilators for treating Covid-19. The search order targeted a total of 23 addresses in six states and Brazil’s federal district in Brasilia, police said in a statement.

Barbalho is the second governor to be investigated in relation to suspect medical expenditures during the pandemic.

Helder Barbalho

On May 26, police searched the residence of Rio de Janeiro state Governor Wilson Witzel as part of an investigation into alleged irregularities in contracts awarded for the construction of emergency field hospitals. Rio legislators voted nearly unanimously to begin impeachment proceedings against the governor.

Witzel has promised eight emergency field hospitals, but only one has opened, near the Maracana soccer stadium.

He denied any wrongdoing and said he was the victim of political persecution.

“I am at ease about my innocence. I will keep on working as governor and will prepare my defense. I am sure that the deputies will judge the facts as they really are,“ said a statement from Witzel, who will continue in office unless the legislative process leads to his impeachment and removal.

Both Witzel and Barbalho have criticized President Jair Bolsonaro’s rejection of quarantine measures to contain the spread of the coronavirus.

The alleged fraud in Para stemmed from the acquisition of ventilators worth millions of dollars, done so without a call for bids as allowed by state emergency protocols during the pandemic. The equipment deployment was delayed and ultimately useless for patients with Covid-19, according to the police statement, which said investigators are looking into allegations of money laundering and corruption.

The judge who ordered the raid froze $5 million in the bank accounts of Barbalho and seven others, prosecutors said. They said there are indications the governor has a close relationship with the executive who supplied the ventilators and also knew they were inadequate.

“I am at ease and available for any clarification. I acted in time to avoid damage to the treasury, since the resources were returned to the state,” Barbalho said on Twitter. “I am not a friend of the businessman and obviously did not know that the ventilators would not work.” During the operation, police found dozens of bundles of cash in a home belonging to Peter Cassol, former secretary of administrative management at the state health department, according to images shown by TV Globo. In the afternoon, the government announced Cassol’s dismissal.

The Para government said in a statement that it had already gone to court to file for compensation from the suppliers for damages.

Para is Brazil’s fourth hardest-hit state, with about 62,000 confirmed coronavirus cases and more than 3,900 deaths, according to official data, which is considered by experts to be a significant undercount.

Bolsonaro changed the head of the federal police in April, sparking suspicion of political interference in the force as alleged by former Justice Minister Sérgio Moro, who resigned.

The Enforcement Directorate (ED) informed the Delhi high court that it froze 67 bank accounts of various Indian businessmen and companies in India on the request of Brazil, where a provincial governor is under investigation for embezzling funds.

The ED has informed the court that it acted on mutual legal agreement between both countries but it hasn’t filed any case in the matter.

The agency was responding to a plea filed by advocate Vijay Aggarwal on behalf of company Hamilton Housewares, whose account was frozen by the ED last month along with other individuals/companies.

Hamilton Housewares Pvt Ltd deals in plastics, thermo steel, thermo ware, ceramic ware and glassware under the brand name “Milton”. The company’s accounts was ordered to be frozen by the ED on  13 July. The order further said that no withdrawals will be allowed without the permission of the agency.

Aggarwal argued before the high court that the business of the company has been affected due to ED’s action and it is not able to perform its day-to-day business, both as regards to payments to be made and the orders to be performed.

He further argued that the action has been taken when it is not even known whether a scheduled offence has been registered or not and that ED has not supplied to the company “reasons to believe” to freeze the bank account.

The ED said that the action has been taken on request of Brazil and India is under obligation to act as there is a reciprocal agreement between the two countries. Brazilian authorities had requested India to freeze these 67 accounts in which funds linked to a provincial governor have been transferred.

Wilson Witzel

The agency claimed that Brazil provincial governor (whose name has been withheld by the ED) was involved in embezzlement of funds to over 50 countries, including India.

Apart from Hamilton Housewares, accounts of eight more companies, namely JK Tyre, KP Sanghvi & Sons, Nancy Crafts Pvt Ltd, Bharat Fashion and Apparels, Eastman Industries Ltd, Orbit Exports Ltd, Shrenuj & Co and RSWM Ltd were frozen by the ED  in Brazil probe.

Helder Zahluth Barbalho (born 1979) is former Chief Minister of National Secretariat of Ports and Minister of Fishing and Aquaculture during the government of president Dilma Rousseff, and former Minister of National Integration, appointed by president Michel Temer.He is the son of former governor of Pará and current senator Jader Barbalho and federal congresswoman Elcione Zahluth.

Wilson José Witzel (born  1968) is a Brazilian lawyer  A member of the Social Christian Party, Witzel is a former federal judge and is an ex-marine. On 28 October 2018, he was elected Governor of the State of Rio de Janeiro with a four-year term beginning in January 2019, replacing Luiz Fernando Pezão.

Witzel holds a master's in Civil Law, and has been a professor of Criminal Law for more than 20 years. As a federal judge, he served in different civil and criminal courts in Rio de Janeiro and in Vitória (Espírito Santo).An ally of the far-right president, Jair Bolsonaro, Witzel was elected after promising a “slaughter” of drug gangsters. In September 2019, following the killing of an eight year old girl, hundreds demonstrated in anger in the Complexo do Alemão favela where she was shot, and the hashtag #aculpaedowitzel (it’s Witzel’s fault) led trending topics in Brazil. Cartoons showing the smiling governor wiping blood from his face.

വടക്കാഞ്ചേരിയിൽ എന്തോ ചീഞ്ഞു നാറുന്നു

ആ നിയമോപദേശം ശരിയല്ല 

നിയമമന്ത്രി എ കെ ബാലൻ പറഞ്ഞത്,ലൈഫ് മിഷൻ പദ്ധതിയിൽ റെഡ് ക്രെസൻറ് സഹായം സംബന്ധിച്ച നിയമോപദേശത്തിൽ തനിക്ക് ഒരു പങ്കുമില്ല,നിയമ സെക്രട്ടറിക്കാണ് ഉത്തരവാദിത്തം എന്നാണ്.അത് ശരിയുമാണ്.

പി കെ അരവിന്ദ ബാബു നിയമ സെക്രട്ടറി ആയി നിയമിക്കപ്പെട്ടത് 2019 ജൂൺ ഒന്നിനാണ്.ലൈഫ് മിഷൻ പദ്ധതിക്ക് റെഡ് ക്രെസൻറ് സഹായത്തിന് വിദേശ അനുമതി സംബന്ധിച്ച നിയമോപദേശം വാങ്ങാൻ മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെ ഓഫിസിൽ നിന്ന് എം ശിവശങ്കർ തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ അഡീഷണൽ ചീഫ് സെക്രട്ടറി ടി കെ ജോസിന് എഴുതുന്നത് ജൂലൈ പത്തിന്.അടുത്ത ദിവസം റെഡ് ക്രെസെന്റുമായി കരാർ ഒപ്പിടുമ്പോൾ കേന്ദ്ര അനുമതി വേണ്ടെന്ന നിയമോപദേശം കിട്ടിയിരുന്നു.

ഈ നിയമോപദേശം ശരിയായിരുന്നോ ?

കേരളം പ്രളയം കണ്ട 2018 ൽ കേന്ദ്ര നയം പ്രളയം പോലുള്ള ഘട്ടങ്ങളിൽ വിദേശ സഹായം സ്വീകരിക്കരുത് എന്നായിരുന്നു.അതിനാൽ കേരളത്തിന് യു എ ഇ വഴി വരേണ്ട 700 കോടി കിട്ടാതെ പോയി എന്ന് ഇടതു കേന്ദ്രങ്ങൾ സങ്കടം പറയാറുണ്ട്.ദുരിതങ്ങൾ രാജ്യം സ്വയം തരണം ചെയ്യും എന്നാണ് കേന്ദ്ര നയം.

അക്കാലത്ത് യൂറോപ്യൻ യൂണിയൻ സഹായത്തിന് കണ്ടെത്തിയ ബദൽ വഴി ആയിരുന്നു റെഡ് ക്രോസ് / റെഡ് ക്രെസൻറ്. 1,90,000 പൗണ്ട് ( രണ്ടു കോടി രൂപ )  അടിയന്തര സഹായമായി റെഡ് ക്രോസിന് അനുവദിച്ചു.കേന്ദ്ര വിദേശ കാര്യ വക്താവ് രവീഷ് കുമാർ വിദേശ സർക്കാരുകളിൽ നിന്ന് സഹായം സ്വീകരിക്കില്ലെന്ന് വ്യക്തമാക്കിയ ശേഷം ആയിരുന്നു,ഇത്.പ്രവാസികളിൽ നിന്നോ ഇന്ത്യൻ വംശജരിൽ നിന്നോ ഫൗണ്ടേഷനുകൾ പോലുള്ള രാജ്യാന്തര സംഘടനകളിൽ നിന്നോ പ്രധാന മന്ത്രിയുടെയും മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെയും ദുരിതാശ്വാസ നിധികളിലേക്ക് സംഭാവന സ്വീകരിക്കാം എന്നും വ്യക്തമാക്കിയിരുന്നു.

ഈ നിർദേശം അനുസരിച്ച് റെഡ് ക്രോസ് വഴി സഹായിക്കാം എന്ന് വന്നു.വീട്ടുപകരണങ്ങൾ അത് നഷ്ടപ്പെട്ടവർക്ക് നൽകുക,പ്രളയത്തിന് പിന്നാലെ രോഗങ്ങൾ വരുന്നതിനാൽ കൊതുകു വലകൾ നൽകുക തുടങ്ങിയവയാണ് ലക്ഷ്യമെന്ന് യൂറോപ്യൻ യൂണിയൻ പ്രസ്താവന ഇറക്കി.

റെഡ് ക്രോസ് / റെഡ് ക്രെസൻറ് സൊസൈറ്റിയുടെ ദുരിതാശ്വാസ അടിയന്തര നിധിക്കായിരുന്നു സംഭാവന.

യു എ ഇ യിൽ നിന്ന് സഹായം സ്വീകരിക്കേണ്ടതില്ല എന്ന കേന്ദ്ര നിർദേശത്തെ എതിർത്ത ധനമന്ത്രി തോമസ് ഐസക്കിന്റെ പ്രസ്താവന കേന്ദ്രം ശ്രദ്ധിച്ചു.2016 ലെ ദേശീയ ദുരിതാശ്വാസ നിയന്ത്രണ പദ്ധതിയിൽ  India “may" accept aid “if the national government of another country voluntarily offers assistance as a goodwill gesture in solidarity with the disaster victims" ( ഇന്ത്യയ്ക്ക് വേണമെങ്കിൽ മറ്റൊരു രാജ്യത്തിൻറെ സ്വയമേവയുള്ള സഹായം ദുരിത നേരത്തെ ഐക്യദാർഢ്യമെന്ന നിലയിൽ സ്വീകരിക്കാം ) എന്നുള്ളതായി ഐസക് ട്വിറ്ററിൽ കുറിച്ചു.

ഐസക്കിന് തെറ്റി എന്ന് കേന്ദ്രം വിലയിരുത്തി."വേണമെങ്കിൽ" എന്ന പ്രയോഗത്തിന് അർഥം,കേന്ദ്രം വിദേശ സഹായം സ്വീകരിക്കണം എന്നല്ല.

ഗുജറാത്തിൽ 2001 ൽ ഭൂകമ്പമുണ്ടായപ്പോൾ അവിടത്തെ സർക്കാർ സഹായം സ്വീകരിച്ചത്,ശ്രദ്ധിച്ചാണ്.മരുന്ന് സ്വീകരിച്ചതേയില്ല.

ഇത്രയും പറഞ്ഞതിൽ നിന്ന് തെളിയുന്നത്,ഇവിടത്തെ റെഡ് ക്രോസ് വഴിയാണ് യു എ ഇ സഹായിക്കേണ്ടിയിരുന്നത് എന്നാണ്;അതും മനുഷ്യന് ആവശ്യം വേണ്ട വസ്‌തുക്കൾ എന്ന നിലയിൽ.

എമിറേറ്റ്സ് റെഡ്  ക്രെസൻറ് ,ഇവിടത്തെ റെഡ് ക്രോസ് വഴിയാണ്  വരേണ്ടിയിരുന്നത്.അത് സംഭവിച്ചില്ല.

കോഴ നൽകിയതായി കരാറുകാരൻ പറഞ്ഞിട്ടുണ്ട്;അത് റെഡ് ക്രോസ് പ്രവത്തനത്തിൽ ഇല്ല.രാഷ്ട്രപതിയാണ് റെഡ് ക്രോസ് അധ്യക്ഷൻ.

അതിനാൽ,കേരളത്തിലെ 20 കോടി റെഡ് ക്രെസൻറ് പദ്ധതിയിൽ എന്തോ ചീഞ്ഞു നാറുന്നു .

ഷേക്‌സ്പിയറുടെ 'ഹാംലെറ്റ്‌' നാടകത്തിൽ,കാലം ചെയ്ത രാജാവിൻറെ പ്രേതം പ്രത്യക്ഷപ്പെട്ട ശേഷം,കൊട്ടാരം കാവൽക്കാരൻ പറയുന്നു:"Something is rotten in the state of Denmark" ( ഡെന്മാർക്കിൽ എന്തോ ചീഞ്ഞു നാറുന്നു). 

ചില പ്രത്യേക താൽപര്യങ്ങൾ മുൻ നിർത്തി മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെ ഓഫീസ് നന്നായി നടന്നു വന്ന ലൈഫ് മിഷൻ പദ്ധതി ഏറ്റെടുക്കുകയായിരുന്നു എന്ന് രേഖകൾ വ്യക്തമാക്കുന്നു.അതിനാൽ പിണറായി വിജയന് എളുപ്പം കൈകഴുകാൻ ആവില്ല.

ലൈഫ് മിഷൻ മേധാവി സ്ഥാനത്തു നിന്ന് എസ് ഹരികിഷോറിനെ മാറ്റി, ആ സ്ഥാനത്തും എം ശിവശങ്കറിനെ അവരോധിച്ച് സർക്കാർ ഉത്തരവിറക്കിയത് 2018 ജൂൺ പതിനാറിനായിരുന്നു. ജനകീയനായ ഉദ്യോഗസ്ഥൻ എന്ന പേരുള്ള ഹരികിഷോറിനെ നീക്കിയത് സംശയാസ്പദമാണ്. നിശ്ചിത സമയത്ത് പദ്ധതി തീരുന്നില്ല എന്നാണ് കാരണം പറഞ്ഞത്. അന്ന് ശിവശങ്കർ പ്രിൻസിപ്പൽ സെക്രട്ടറി ആയിട്ടില്ല. മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെ ഓഫിസർ ഓൺ സ്‌പെഷൽ ഡ്യൂട്ടി ആയിരുന്നു.

ഹരികിഷോർ ലൈഫ് മിഷൻ മേധാവിയായി സ്ഥാനമേറ്റ്‌ വെറും രണ്ടാഴ്ച കഴിയും മുൻപായിരുന്നു അദ്ദേഹത്തെ നീക്കിയത്. അതിനാൽ മതിയായ കാരണം അതിന് പിന്നിലില്ല. ഹരികിഷോറിനെ കുടുംബ ശ്രീ മേധാവിയാക്കി -പ്രധാനമന്ത്രി ആവാസ് യോജന എന്ന ഭവന പദ്ധതി അതിന് കീഴിലുണ്ട്.

2018 ഏപ്രിൽ പതിനൊന്നിന് നടന്ന ലൈഫ് മിഷൻ അവലോകന യോഗത്തിൽ മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി ലൈഫ് മിഷൻ നടത്തിപ്പിൽ അതൃപ്തി പ്രകടിപ്പിച്ചിരുന്നു. അതിൻറെ ഒന്നാം ഘട്ടത്തിൽ ഓരോ ജില്ലയിലും ഒരു പാർപ്പിട സമുച്ചയം എന്ന ലക്ഷ്യം ഒരു വർഷത്തിനകം വേണ്ട വണ്ണം പൂർത്തീകരിക്കാനായില്ല എന്നായിരുന്നു വിമർശനം. ടെൻഡർ വഴിയോ സർക്കാർ ഏജൻസികൾ വഴിയോ ഉടൻ നിർമാണം നടത്താൻ ചീഫ് സെക്രട്ടറി പോൾ ആന്റണിയോട് നിർദേശിക്കുകയും ചെയ്തു. വടകരയിലെ ഊരാളുങ്കൽ സൊസൈറ്റിയെ ഇതിനായി നിർദേശിച്ചത് വിവാദമുണ്ടാക്കി. കേന്ദ്ര വിജിലൻസ് കമ്മിഷന്റെയോ സംസ്ഥാന ധന വകുപ്പിന്റെയോ മാർഗ നിർദേശങ്ങൾ പരിഗണിച്ചില്ല.

ഇതിനെ തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ സെക്രട്ടറി ബി അശോക്‌ എതിർത്തപ്പോൾ അദ്ദേഹത്തെയും മാറ്റി. ജൂനിയർ ഐ എ എസ്‌ ഓഫീസർമാരെ വയ്ക്കുന്ന സിവിൽ സപ്ലൈസ് എം ഡി സ്ഥാനം കിട്ടിയ അശോക്‌ ഇപ്പോൾ അവധിയിലാണ്.

സ്ഥലജല വിഭ്രാന്തിയിൽ,പിണറായി

കലിഗുലയുടെ തിരിച്ചു വരവ് 

പല തവണയായി പിണറായി വിജയൻ മാധ്യമ പ്രവർത്തകരെ ആട്ടുന്നു; അവരോട് ആക്രോശിക്കുന്നു, ഇറങ്ങാൻ പറയുന്നു. കയറാൻ വേണ്ടിവന്ന ബദ്ധപ്പാട് കാരണമായിരിക്കും, തുടരെത്തുടരെ ഇത് പറഞ്ഞോണ്ടിരിക്കുന്നത്. മാധ്യമ പ്രവർത്തകർ ഒരു അധികാര സ്ഥാനത്തുo കയറാത്തതിനാൽ അവർക്ക് ഇറങ്ങേണ്ട ആവശ്യം വരുന്നില്ല. എന്നാൽ പിണറായി വിജയൻ ഇറങ്ങും. അല്ലെങ്കിൽ ജനം താഴെയിറക്കും. വെറുതെ കേരള എർദോഗൻ ചമയുകയാണ്, പിണറായി.

മാധ്യമങ്ങളുടെ വായ മൂടിക്കെട്ടുന്ന എർദോഗനെ തുർക്കിക്കാർ ഇറക്കിക്കോളും.

അധികാരത്തിലിരിക്കുന്നവന് സ്ഥല ജല വിഭ്രാന്തി പിടി പെടുക അസ്വാഭാവികമല്ല.

കലിഗുല

ആൽബേർ കാമുവിൻറെ ‘കലിഗുല’ എന്ന നാടകമാണ് ഓർത്തു പോകുന്നത്. അൾജീരിയയിൽ ജനിച്ച് ഫ്രാൻസിൽ ചിന്തകനായ കാമു, ഹിറ്റ്ലറുടെ ഭ്രാന്തിൻറെ മൂർദ്ധന്യത്തിലാണ്, ‘കലിഗുല’ എഴുതുന്നത്. 1938 ൽ എഴുത്തു തുടങ്ങി പലതവണ മിനുക്കി,1944 ലാണ് പ്രസിദ്ധീകരിച്ചത്.

റോമാ ചരിത്രത്തിലെ ഏറ്റവും ക്രൂരനായ ചക്രവർത്തിയായിരുന്നു, കലിഗുല. അയാളുടെ ക്രൂരതകൾ ഇവിടെ വിവരിക്കുന്നില്ല. അധാർമികതകളും വിസ്തരിക്കുന്നില്ല. അയാൾ വായനക്കാരുടെ മനസ്സിൽ നില്കുന്നത് സ്വന്തം കുതിരയെ ഉപദേഷ്ടാവാക്കി വച്ചു എന്നതിനാലാണ്. ഇൻസിറ്റാറ്റസ്‌ എന്നായിരുന്നു , കുതിരയുടെ പേര്.

പ്രാചീന ചരിത്രകാരൻ സ്യൂട്ടോണിയസ് ആണ് ആ കഥ ലോകത്തിനു മുന്നിൽ വച്ചത്.കുതിരയോടുള്ള സ്നേഹം മൂത്ത് കലിഗുല, അതിന് ദന്തം കൊണ്ട് തൊഴുത്തുണ്ടാക്കി. കഴുത്തിൽ ആഭരണങ്ങൾ അണിയിച്ചു.കൊട്ടാരം പണിതു. സ്വർണത്തരി കലർത്തിയ ഓട് സ് ആണ് കുതിരയ്ക്ക് കൊടുത്തിരുന്നതെന്ന് ചരിത്രകാരൻ കാഷ്യസ് ഡിയോ എഴുതി. ഇവർക്കുശേഷം വന്ന ചരിത്രകാരനാണ്, കുതിരയായിരുന്നു, ചക്രവർത്തിയുടെ ഉപദേഷ്ടാവ് എന്നെഴുതിയത്.

ഉപദേഷ്ടാക്കളുടെ ഘോഷയാത്രയാണ് പിണറായി ഭരണത്തിലുള്ളത്.

പുസ്തകങ്ങളും കാർട്ടൂണുകളും നിരോധിക്കുന്ന ഒരു ജനതയാണ്,നാം.കലിഗുല തുടങ്ങി താമസിയാതെ രണ്ടാം ലോകയുദ്ധം തുടങ്ങിയതിനാലും.ഹിറ്റ്‌ലർ ഉള്ളതിനാലും,കാമുവിന് പല തവണ നാടകം പരിഷ്‌കരിക്കേണ്ടി വന്നു.കാമുവിൻറെ അസംബന്ധ ചക്രത്തിൻറെ ഭാഗമായിരുന്നു,അത്.ഔട്ട് സൈഡർ,മിത്ത് ഓഫ് സിസിഫസ് എന്നിവയാണ്,മറ്റുള്ളവ.’ഞാൻ ചിന്തിക്കുന്നു,അതിനാൽ ഞാനുണ്ട്’ ( I think ,therefore I Am ) എന്ന ദെക്കാർത്തെയുടെ തത്വത്തെ,’ഞാൻ കലഹിക്കുന്നു , അതിനാൽ ഞാനുണ്ട്’ ( I rebel ,therefore I Am ) എന്ന് മാറ്റിയെഴുതിയ ചിന്തകനാണ്,കാമു.

സഹോദരി ദ്രൂസിലയുടെ മരണത്തിൽ ദുഖിതനായ കലിഗുലയിലാണ്,നാടകം തുടങ്ങുന്നത്.സ്വന്തം വധം കലിഗുല തന്നെ ആസൂത്രണം ചെയ്യുന്നതായിട്ടാണ്,കാമുവിൻറെ വ്യാഖ്യാനം.എ ഡി 41 ജനുവരി 24 നായിരുന്നു,ചരിത്രത്തിൽ അയാളുടെ മരണം.

ആഹ്ളാദമില്ലാതെയാണ് മനുഷ്യർ മരിക്കുന്നത് എന്ന് കണ്ടെത്തുന്ന കലിഗുല,ആഹ്ളാദ വഴികൾ തേടുന്നു.കേവല സത്യം കണ്ടെത്താൻ അയാൾക്കുള്ള ഉപകരണം സർവ പുച്ഛവും പേടിപ്പിക്കലുമാണ്. കൊലപാതകവും മൂല്യങ്ങളുടെ തച്ചു തകർക്കലും വഴി,അയാൾ കണ്ടെത്തുന്ന സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യം വിലയില്ലാത്തതായി പരിണമിക്കുന്നു.സൗഹൃദവും സ്നേഹവും അയാൾക്ക് വേണ്ട.ഐക്യവും നന്മയും വേണ്ട.ഉപജാപക സംഘത്തിൻറെ വാക്കുകൾ വിശ്വസിച്ച് അവയ്ക്ക് യുക്‌തികൾ കണ്ടെത്തി, ചുറ്റുമുള്ളവരെ അയാൾ അരിഞ്ഞു വീഴ്ത്തുന്നു. സംഹാര ത്വരയാണ് അയാളുടെ ജീവിത പ്രചോദനം.സംഹാരം,അവനെ തന്നെ സംഹരിക്കും. ഉപജാപക സംഘത്തെ ആയുധം അണിയിച്ച് അയാൾ സ്വന്തം അന്തകനാകുന്നു.

ഏതു സ്റ്റാലിനിസ്റ്റ് ഭരണാധികാരിക്കും സ്തുതിപാഠകരെ ഇഷ്ടമായിരിക്കും. അതിൽ തന്നിഷ്ടം നോക്കികളായ മാധ്യമ ഉടമകളും പ്രവർത്തകരും കാണും. എന്നാൽ.പ്രോലിറ്റേറിയൻ ഭരണാധികാരി,ബൂർഷ്വ മാധ്യമത്തിന്റെ ബൂർഷ്വ ഉടമയുമായി ചങ്ങാത്തം കൂടി എന്നതിനാൽ മാധ്യമ പ്രവർത്തകരെല്ലാം കീഴാളരായി, “ഇറങ്ങടാ ” എന്ന് പറയാം എന്ന് കരുതിയാൽ, അത് പതനമാണ്. മാർക്സിസ്റ്റിന്റെ പരമ പദം ബൂർഷ്വയാണെന്ന് പ്രത്യയ ശാസ്ത്രത്തിൽ പറയുന്നില്ല എന്ന് മാത്രമല്ല, ദാരിദ്ര്യ കാലത്ത് കാൾ മാർക്സിന് അഷ്ടിക്ക് വക നൽകിയത്, ന്യൂയോർക് ഡെയിലി ട്രിബ്യു ൺ എന്ന പത്രമായിരുന്നു. മാർക്സ് പത്ര പ്രവർത്തകനായിരുന്നു. ദരിദ്രനായി തന്നെ മാർക്സ് മരിച്ചു. അദ്ദേഹത്തിന് എഴുത്തച്ഛൻ പുരസ്‌കാരവും കേസരി -സ്വദേശാഭിമാനി പുരസ്കാരവും കിട്ടിയില്ല.

അടുത്ത തവണ ദരിദ്രരായ മാധ്യമ പ്രവർത്തകരെ ബൂർഷ്വയായ വിജയൻ ആട്ടുമ്പോൾ , ആ കൂട്ടത്തിൽ മാർക്സ് ഉണ്ടോ എന്ന് ഒരു നിമിഷം ശങ്കിക്കണം. അപ്പോൾ, വന്ന വഴിയിൽ കൂടി തിരിച്ചു നടക്കാൻ പറ്റും. നിങ്ങൾ ഓരോ തവണയും മാധ്യമങ്ങളോട് ഇറങ്ങാൻ പറയുമ്പോൾ, നിങ്ങൾ നാട്ടുകാരുടെ മനസ്സിൽ നിന്നിറങ്ങുകയാണെന്ന് ഓർമ്മ വേണം.

KERALA LINKED TO AFRICAN MINE ROBBERY

An Indian Fugitive in 2019 Mine Attack

The main accused,K T Ramees in the Kerala diplomatic gold smuggling case haslinks with mining cartels in Africa,the NIA has found.He visited Tanzania last year.

The South African police have sought the help of the Interpol to track down youths of Asia involved in the 19 robberies that happened in their gold mines,last year.An Indian fugitive was captured by the surveillance cameras at Witwatersrand basin gold mine.

There were 19 attacks on gold facilities last year, almost double the number in 2018, according to South Africa’s Minerals Council. More than 100 kilograms (3,527 ounces) of gold was stolen in 2019 as bullion rose to a five-year high, although not all companies disclose their losses, said the council, which represents the nation’s largest miners.

Billions of dollars’ worth of gold is being smuggled out of Africa every year through the United Arab Emirates in the Middle East – a gateway to markets in Europe, the United States and beyond.

Customs data shows that the UAE imported $15.1 billion worth of gold from Africa in 2016, more than any other country and up from $1.3 billion in 2006. The total weight was 446 tonnes, in varying degrees of purity – up from 67 tonnes in 2006.

Much of the gold was not recorded in the exports of African states. Five trade economists interviewed by Reuters said this indicates large amounts of gold are leaving Africa with no taxes being paid to the states that produce them.

Industrial mining firms in Africa confirm that they did not send their gold to the UAE – indicating that its gold imports from Africa come from other, informal sources. 

Previous reports and studies have highlighted the black-market trade in gold mined by people, including children, who have no ties to big business, and dig or pan for it with little official oversight. No-one can put an exact figure on the total value that is leaving Africa.

Informal methods of gold production, known in the industry as “artisanal” or small-scale mining, are growing globally. They have provided a livelihood to millions of Africans and help some make more money than they could dream of from traditional trades. But the methods leak chemicals into rocks, soil and rivers. And African governments such as Ghana, Tanzania and Zambia complain that gold is now being illegally produced and smuggled out of their countries on a vast scale, sometimes by criminal operations, and often at a high human and environmental cost.

Artisanal mining began as small-time ventures. But the “romantic” era of individual mining has given way to “large-scale and dangerous” operations run by foreign-controlled criminal syndicates, Ghana’s President Nana Akufo-Addo told a mining conference in February. Ghana is Africa’s second-largest gold producer.

Not everyone in the chain is breaking the law. Miners, some of them working legally, typically sell the gold to middlemen. The middlemen either fly the gold out directly or trade it across Africa’s porous borders, obscuring its origins before couriers carry it out of the continent, often in hand luggage.

For example, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is a major gold producer but one whose official exports amount to a fraction of its estimated production: Most is smuggled into neighboring Uganda and Rwanda. “It is of course worrisome for us but we have very little leverage to stop it,” said Thierry Boliki, director of the CEEC, the Congolese government body that is meant to register, value and tax high-value minerals like gold.

The customs data provided by governments to Comtrade, a United Nations database, shows the UAE has been a prime destination for gold from many African states for some years. In 2015, China – the world’s biggest gold consumer – imported more gold from Africa than the UAE. But during 2016, the latest year for which data is available, the UAE imported almost double the value taken by China. With African gold imports worth $8.5 billion that year, China came a distant second. Switzerland, the world’s gold refining hub, came third with $7.5 billion worth.

Most of the gold is traded in Dubai, home to the UAE’s gold industry.

The UAE reported gold imports from 46 African countries for 2016. Of those countries, 25 did not provide Comtrade with data on their gold exports to the UAE. But the UAE said it had imported a total of $7.4 billion worth of gold from them.

In addition, the UAE imported much more gold from most of the other 21 countries than those countries said they had exported. In all, it said it imported gold worth $3.9 billion – about 67 tonnes – more than those countries said they sent out.

Over the past decade, high demand for gold has made it attractive for informal miners to use digging equipment and toxic chemicals to boost the yield. Contaminated water is returned to rivers, slowly poisoning the people who need the water to live.

Small-scale miners have long used mercury – easy to buy at around $10 for a thumb-sized vial – to extract flecks of gold from ore, before sluicing it away. Mercury’s toxic effects include damage to kidneys, heart, liver, spleen and lungs, and neurological disorders, such as tremors and muscle weakness. Cyanide and nitric acid are also being used in the process, according to researchers and miners in Ghana.

K T Ramees

Western investors want gold so they can diversify their portfolios; India and China want it for jewelry. But most Western companies – and the banks that finance them – avoid handling non-industrial African gold directly. They are unwilling to risk using metal that may have been mined to fund conflict or that may have involved human rights abuses in, for instance, DRC or Sudan. Various Uganda-based traders have been sanctioned for handling gold smuggled out of DRC.

In other states, including the UAE, these concerns have been less of a problem. Over the last decade, gold from Africa has become increasingly important for Dubai. From 2006 to 2016, the share of African gold in UAE’s reported gold imports increased from 18 percent to nearly 50 percent, Comtrade data showed.

The UAE’s main commodity marketplace, the Dubai Multi-Commodities Centre (DMCC), calls itself on its website “your gateway to global trade.” Trading in gold accounts for nearly one-fifth of UAE’s GDP.

However, no big industrial companies, including AngloGold Ashanti, Sibanye-Stillwater and Gold Fields,say they send gold there. 23 mining companies with African operations, the smallest of which produced around 2.5 tonnes in 2018: 21 of them said they did not send metal to Dubai for refining, the other two did not respond.

While the big South African miners have local refining capacity, the main reason others gave is that no UAE refineries are accredited by the London Bullion Market Association (LBMA), the standard-setter for the industry in Western markets.

Gold can be imported to Dubai with little documentation. A number of refineries accept gold that has been imported as hand luggage.

A Tanzanian parliamentary report estimated that 90 percent of annual production of informally mined gold is smuggled out of the country: The government wants the central bank to buy this up.

In Burkina Faso, Oumarou Idani, minister of mines, believes his country is leaking gold to UAE on a massive scale. Of the 9.5 tonnes of gold the government estimates informal miners dig up each year, just 200 to 400 kg are declared to the authorities.

Saniniu Laizer

Miner Earns Rs 40 Crore with Three Gem Stones

A Tanzanian small-scale miner, who became an overnight millionaire in June for selling two rough Tanzanite stones valued at $3.4m ( Rs 25 Cr), has sold another gem for $2m ( Rs 15 Cr).

The third discovery by Saniniu Laizer weighed 6.3kg (14lb).

Tanzanite is only found in northern Tanzania and is used to make ornaments.

It is one of the rarest gemstones on Earth, and one local geologist estimates its supply may be entirely depleted within the next 20 years.

The precious stone’s appeal lies in its variety of hues, including green, red, purple and blue.

Its value is determined by rarity – the finer the colour or clarity, the higher the price.

Mr Lazier urged his fellow small-scale miners to work with the government, saying that his experience was a good example.

“Selling to the government means there are no shortcuts… they are transparent,” he said in his remarks at a ceremony in the northern Mirerani mine.

Artisanal miners often complain about late payments of their royalties by mine owners.

The two gemstones he got earlier

After his June sale of two rocks weighing 9.2kg and 5.8kg, Mr Laizer – a father of more than 30 children – said that he would hold a party.

But on Monday he said the money will be used to build a school and a health facility in his community in Simanjiro district in northern Manyara region.

He told the BBC two months ago that the windfall would not change his lifestyle, and that he planned to continue looking after his 2,000 cows, adding that he did not need to take any extra precautions despite his new-found riches.

Some small-scale miners like Mr Laizer acquire government licences to prospect for Tanzanite, but illegal mining is prevalent especially near mines owned by big companies.

In 2017, President Magufuli ordered the military to build a 24km (14-mile) perimeter wall around the Merelani mining site in Manyara, believed to be the world’s only source of Tanzanite.

A year later, the government reported an increase in revenue in the mining sector and attributed the rise to the construction of the wall.

© Ramachandran 

THE FIRST TWO FEMALE DOCTORS IN INDIA

They Fought Against the Orthodoxy

Anandibai Gopalrao Joshi was the first female Indian physician. She was also the first woman in India to complete her studies in western medicine from the United States. Anandibai has a rich legacy and inspired many women to pursue the field of of medicine in India and in the United States.

Anandibai also became the first woman from Bombay presidency of India to study and graduate with a two-year degree in western medicine from a foreign country.

On March 31, 1865, in Pune, a girl child was born to Gangabai and Ganpatrao Joshi — their fifth child, whom they named Yamuna. On her ninth birthday, March 31, 1874, she was married to Gopalrao Joshee, a widower of about 26, employed as a postmaster at Thane.

Anandibai was born with the name 'Yamuna' but was later given the name anandi by her husband Gopalrao Joshi. She was born in a family of landlords and due to parental pressure, she got married at the young age of nine.

Anandibai bore her first child at the age of 14 but due to lack of medical care, the child passed away after ten days. This incident was a turning point in Anandibai's life and she chose to pursue medicine, with the support of her husband.

Anandibai Joshi

Gopalrao, who was a progressive thinker and supported education for women, enrolled her in a missionary school, and later moved to Calcutta with her, where she learnt how to speak Sanskrit and English.

In the 1800's, it was very unusual for husbands to focus on their wives' education. Gopalrao was obsessed with the idea of Anandibai's education and wanted her to learn medicine and create her own identity in the world.

One day, Gopalrao walked into the kitchen and threw a fit of rage when he saw Anandibai cooking instead of studying. This made her even more focussed on her education.

Gopalrao took the decision of sending Anandibai to America to study medicine in utmost detail with a missionary from Philadelphia named Royal Wilder.In 1880 he sent a letter to Royal Wilder, stating his wife's interest in studying medicine in the United States and inquiring about a suitable post in the US for himself. Wilder published the correspondence in his Princeton's Missionary Review. Theodicia Carpenter, a resident of Roselle, New Jersey, happened to read it while waiting to see her dentist. Impressed by both Anandibai's desire to study medicine, and Gopalrao's support for his wife, she wrote to Anandibai. Carpenter and Anandibai developed a close friendship and came to refer to each other as "aunt" and "niece." Later, Carpenter would host Anandibai in Rochelle during Joshi's stay in the U S.

While the Joshi couple was in Calcutta, Anandibai's health was declining. She suffered from weakness, constant headaches, occasional fever, and sometimes breathlessness. Theodicia sent her medicines from America, without results. In 1883, Gopalrao was transferred to Serampore, and he decided to send Anandibai by herself to America for her medical studies despite her poor health. Though apprehensive, Gopalrao convinced her to set an example for other women by pursuing higher education.

A physician couple named Thorborn suggested that Anandibai apply to the Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania. On learning of Anandibai's plans to pursue higher education in the West, orthodox Indian society censured her very strongly.

Anandibai addressed the community at Serampore College Hall in 1883, explaining her decision to go to America and obtain a medical degree. She discussed the persecution she and her husband had endured. She stressed the need for female doctors in India, emphasizing that Hindu women could better serve as physicians to Hindu women. She said,"I volunteer myself as one", in the gathering. Her speech received publicity, and financial contributions started pouring in from all over India. 

She had also expressed her views on how midwifery was not sufficient in any case of medical emergency and how the instructors who taught women had conservative views.

In the speech, “Why do I go to America?”, she addressed six questions that were posed to her often. She stated: “In my humble opinion there is a growing need for Hindu lady doctors in India, and I volunteer to qualify myself for one.” To the question “Are there no means to study in India?” she replied thus: “[T]he instructors who teach these classes are conservative and to some extent jealous... That is characteristic of the male sex. We must put up with this inconvenience until we have a class of educated ladies to relieve these men.”

This is a bold indictment of the gender question in education, at a time when women’s education was not a priority.

After her motivating speech in the public gathering, she expressed her views on studying medicine in America. She also stressed the need of female doctors in India and stated that Hindu women can be better doctors for other Hindu women.

Anandibai's health had started to decline but Gopalrao had urged her to go to America so that she can set an example for other women in the country.

Anandibai was urged to apply to the Women's Medical College of Pennsylvania but learning about her plan to pursue higher education, the Hindu society of India decided to censure her very strongly.Anandibai travelled to New York from Kolkata  by ship, chaperoned by two female English missionary acquaintances of the Thorborns. In New York, Theodicia Carpenter received her in June 1883.

Anandibai was enrolled in the Women's Medical College of Pennsylvania and completed her two-year course in medicine at the age of 19. She graduated with an MD in 1886 with the topic of her thesis being 'Obstetrics among the Aryan Hindoos'.

She highlighted the environment she lived in and how she dealt with it in a letter written to her husband after reaching America. She was full of reasoning and entreaty: “Don’t misunderstand and make me suffer so. It is very difficult to decide whether your treatment of me was good or bad. If you ask me I would say it was both... Hitting me with broken pieces of wood at the tender age of ten, flinging chairs and books at me and threatening to leave me when I was twelve, and inflicting other strange punishments on me when I was fourteen — all these were too severe for the age, body and mind at each respective stage...”

In her thesis, she covered information form Ayurvedic texts and American textbooks. On her graduation, Queen Victoria sent her a message, expressing her delight.

Anandibai passed away due to tubercolosis at the age of 21, on 26 February 1887.

She had accepted an offer to take charge of the Edward Albert Memorial Hospital in Kolhapur, which unfortunately never materialised. In many ways, her life was similar to that of Srinivasa Ramanujan (1887 -1920) who shook the world of mathematics, but died young of tuberculosis aggravated by malnourishment and lack of care. Certainly, her achievements ought to be celebrated as no less a feat.

It was against all odds that Anandibai became the first Indian woman doctor. Ironically, when she was dying, the healing power of this very trade was denied her, as the book reveals.

In India, Kesari and The Mahratta, run by Bal Gangadhar Tilak, were quick to take up stories on the Joshis who were portrayed as social reformers. Pandita Ramabai, on the other hand, who had travelled to England for her education and converted to Christianity there, was strongly criticised by this section, even though she was doing well. Ramabai was invited by Anandibai’s mentor, Dean Bodley, for the latter’s graduation ceremony, and Ramabai travelled to America just for this. Anandibai wrote of Ramabai thus: “...her courage has outweighed that of the sternest and bravest warrior.”

Even after her death, several writers and researchers continued to write about her to raise awareness about the importance of educating women in India.

Doordarshan also based a television series on her life and American feminist writer Caroline Wells Healey Dall penned down her biography in 1888:The Life of Dr. Anandabai Joshee, a Kinswoman of the Pundita Ramabai.Dall was acquainted with Joshi and admired her greatly. However, certain points in the biography, particularly its harsh treatment of Gopalrao Joshi, sparked controversy among Joshi's friends.

The Institute of Research and Documentation in Social Sciences (IRDS), Lucknow has been awarding the Anandibai Joshi Award in Medicine in honour of her contributions towards the advancements of medical sciences in India.

The book Fragmented Feminism chronicles the time from which Yamuna became Anandibai until the day she died. The book reveals Anandibai as she was — through her own letters and in her own voice, with helpful annotations by the author Meera Kosambi and three editors — Ram Ramaswamy, Madhavi Kolhatkar and Aban Mukherji. It reveals her flowering individuality, determination and agency in the face of a strongly patriarchal culture, a domineering, volatile husband and the travails of living in an unfamiliar land so far from home.

There is a major confusion between Anandibai Joshi and Kadambini Ganguly, with regards to who was the first female doctor of India. Anandibai got her degree in western medicine from Women's Medical College of Pennsylvania while Kadambini completed her education in India.

Tragically, Anandibai passed away due to tubercolosis at the age of 22, before she got a chance to practice medicine.

Thus, Kadambini Ganguly was the first female doctor to practice medicine while Anandibai Joshi was the first female doctor who got her degree in western medicine from the United States.

Kadambini

Kadambini Ganguly ( 1861 – 3 October 1923) along with Anandibai Joshi was one of the first two female physicians from India as well as from the entire British Empire. Kadambini, herself, was also the first Indian as well as South Asian female physician, trained in western medicine, to graduate in South Asia.

The daughter of Brahmo reformer Braja Kishore Basu, Kadambini was born on 18 July 1861 at Bhagalpur, Bihar in British India. The family was from Chandsi, in Barisal which is now in Bangladesh. Her father was headmaster of Bhagalpur School. He and Abhay Charan Mallick started the movement for women's emancipation at Bhagalpur, establishing the women's organisation Bhagalpur Mahila Samiti in 1863, the first in India.

Kadambini started her education at Banga Mahila Vidyalaya and while at Bethune School (established by Bethune) in 1878 became the first woman to pass the University of Calcutta entrance examination. It was partly in recognition of her efforts that Bethune College first introduced FA (First Arts), and then graduation courses in 1883. She and Chandramukhi Basu became the first graduates from Bethune College, and in the process became the first female graduates in the country and in the entire British Empire.

Kadambini joined the medical college in 1883 despite strong criticism from the society opposing women liberation. In 1886, she was awarded GBMC and became the first woman physician with a Western medical degree in the whole of South Asia. In 1893, she travelled to Edinburgh and qualified as LRCP (Edinburgh), LRCS (Glasgow) and GFPS (Dublin).

As the mother of eight children ( children from her husband's first marriage too) , she had to devote considerable time to her household affairs. She was deft in needlework.

The noted American historian David Kopf has written, "Ganguli's wife, Kadambini, was appropriately enough the most accomplished and liberated Brahmo woman of her time. From all accounts, their relationship was most unusual in being founded on mutual love, sensitivity and intelligence… Mrs. Ganguli's case was hardly typical even among the more emancipated Brahmo and Christian women in contemporary Bengali society. Her ability to rise above circumstances and to realize her potential as a human being made her a prize attraction to Sadharan Brahmos dedicated ideologically to the liberation of Bengal's women."

She was heavily criticised by the then conservative society opposing women liberation. After returning to India and campaigning for women's rights ceaselessly, she was indirectly called a 'whore' in the magazine 'Bangabashi', but that could not deter her determination. Her husband, Dwarkanath Ganguly, took the case up to the court and eventually won with a jail sentence of 6 months meted out to the editor Mahesh Pal.

Dwarakanath

Dwarkanath Ganguly ( 1844 –  1898) was a Brahmo reformer and novelist in Bengal of British India. He made substantial contribution towards the enlightenment of society and the emancipation of women. He dedicated his whole life for the cause of women emancipation and encouraged them to participate in every walk of life be it politics, social services etc and even helped them to form organizations of their own.

Ganguly was born at Magurkhanda village, Bikrampur, Dhaka (now in Bangladesh) on 20 April 1844. His father, Krishnapran Gangopadhyay, was a compassionate and humble man while his mother, Udaytara, belonged to a rich family, and was a strong willed woman. He was deeply influenced by his mother from childhood, who instilled into him love for truth and justice.

While studying in school he became strongly influenced by the writings of Akshay Kumar Dutta's 'Dharma Niti' that elaborated on the then prevalent social problems as polygamy, child marriage, inter-caste marriage and widow remarriage. He was deeply touched by the plight of the Bengali woman, and was influenced by Dutta‟s main thesis that “the first vital step to social regeneration is liberating woman from her bondage”. He began attempting to propagate Datta's ideas along with his socially conscious school friends. His reformist activities resulted in him failing to pass the Entrance Examination as he was unable to spend enough time on school curriculum. He turned out to be self taught thereafter.

In those days, it was customary for  Brahmin men to practice polygamy, which formed a way to earn money in way of gifts presented to the groom by the bride's father. When Dwarkanath was 17 years old, he heard about the honor killing of a girl,who had strayed from her course, by poisoning her. On realizing that it was common practice in orthodox upper caste families, he vowed not to go in for polygamous marriage. This incident also pained Dwarkanath to such an extent that he began to empathize towards the condition of women in society. His failure in the Entrance Examination combined with increasing disagreement with his relatives and the local people over his progressive ideas of social reform, made him leave home in search of an independent livelihood. His vow to monogamy and work to the cause of improving women‟s position in society, made him grow steadily in stature as a social reformer. He started his teaching career and worked at Sonarang, Olpur in Faridpur and in the minor school at Lonsingh (now all are in Bangladesh).

A number of years after the death of his first wife, he re-married, in 1883, Kadambini Ganguly nee Bose, one of the first woman graduates in the British Empire. Dwarkanath fought for her admission into Calcutta Medical College and secured it. 

He had eight children from both his marriages. His eldest daughter, Bidhumukhi, from his first alliance was married to Upendra Kishore Ray Chaudhuri.

© Ramachandran 

MODI'S HERO RAJA SUHALDEV:MYTH AND REALITY

R S S Constantly Mentions the Raja

During his speech at the Ram Mandir Bhoomi Pujan ceremony, Prime Minister Narendra Modi made a reference to Raja Suhaldev.

Modi said that the manner in which the poor and people from backward classes came to Raja Suhaldev’s support in repelling foreign invaders, in a similar manner the Bhavya Ram Mandir will be constructed at Ayodhya with support from people of the entire country.

Who is Raja Suhaldev?

Very little is known about Raja Suhaldev today. He was an 11th Century ruler from the backward  Pasi community of Shravasti, a kingdom which was located in present-day Bahraich district of Uttar Pradesh. He is said to have ruled the state from 1027 to 1077.

It is generally agreed that Raja Suhaldev had defeated Ghazi Salar Masud in the Battle of Bahraich in 1034 and killed the invader. Earlier, the local Raja of Bahraich had formed a confederation of Hindus to combat Salar Masud, however, the Islamic invader managed to defeat them. Ghazi Salar Masud was the nephew of barbaric invader Mahmud of Ghazni.

Masud had managed to conquer Multan, Delhi, Meerut and marched forward. Along the way, the Islamic invader displayed his fanaticism and is said to have destroyed numerous Hindu Temples and Mutts. His advent was halted by Raja Suhaldev.

After several kings were defeated by him, some other kings from Meerut, Badaun, Kannauj etc decided to ally with him instead of fighting against his mighty army. After conquering these places, Masud had planned to invade Ayodhya, a sacred city for Hindus. But to reach Ayodhya, his army had to cross Bahraich first, a place under Shravasti. But Raja Suhaldev became aware of Masud’s plans, and he prepared a counter-attack. He talked to kings of the neighbouring states, and they together formed a large defence force against the invader.

Although the Suhaldev’s army had to face defeat initially, the king motivated the soldiers to fight back with full force, saying that not a single foe should not return alive. After days of intense battle in 1034, Raja Suhaldev was able to trap Salar Masud, and the Muslim invader was killed in the battle. According to legends, none of the 1.5 lakh soldiers in Masud’s army survived the battle.

Masud was buried in Bahraich, and in 1035 CE, a dargah was built to commemorate him.The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) claims that the site was once an ashram (hermitage) of the Hindu saint Balark Rishi, and was converted to a dargah by Feroze Tughlaq.

Raja Suhaldev is regarded as a Gaurakshak, patron of Saints and patron of Hindus. Amish Tripathi’s book on the legendary king calls him a “charismatic leader”, a “fierce rebel” and an “inclusive patriot”. While there are numerous Hindus communities that lay a claim to him, he is believed to be from the Pasi community, which belongs to the Scheduled Castes.

He is mentioned in the 17th century Persian-language historical romance, Mirat-i-Masudi.

Modi and other leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party have paid homage to the legendary King in the past as well. In 2016, then BJP President Amit Shah inaugurated a statue to the iconic King in 2016 and launched a book on him. Shah described him as a “Rashtriya Nayak” whose accomplishment ought to serve as an inspiration to the youth of today.

Shah had said, “Brave King Suheldev is not forgotten by the people of this country even after 1,000 years. People who don’t remember their brave ancestors cannot make history. Only those who carry on with their fight can make history.” Prime Minister Modi released a commemorative postage stamp on Raja Suhaldev two years later.

The Indian Railways, has reversed its policy of not naming trains after personalities and started the Suheldev Express between Ghazipur and Delhi.Salar Masud, popularly known as Ghazi Miyan, has a mausoleum in Bahraich which attracts people,  during his uroos (death ceremony) celebrations every year.

The poet Amir Khusro alluded to him in a letter he wrote in 1291. In 1341, the Moroccan traveler Ibn Batuta accompanied the Sultan of Delhi, Mohammad bin Tughlaq, to the Bahraich shrine. Tughlaq’s successor Firoz Shah Tughlaq had his head shaved after .Masud’s death turned him into a martyr.His commander subsequently slew Suheldev.These details, spun in manifold ways, have been taken from Mirat-i-Masudi or Mirror of Masud, a Persian hagiography written by Abdur Rahman Chishti in the 1620s. A biography authored six centuries after the subject’s death, obviously, raises several questions about its authenticity.

This point is made sharply by historian Shahid Amin in his  work, Conquest and Community: The Afterlife of Warrior Saint Ghazi Miyan.Bahraich’s warrior-saint appeared in his dream. In 1571, the Mughal emperor Akbar made a land grant for the upkeep of the Ghazi Miyan shrine.

In 1950, Hindu Mahasabha, and the Ram Rajya Parishad organised a fair at Chittora village, Bahraich district, to commemorate the memory of Suhaldev (same as Suheldev), writes Badri Narayan in his book Fascinating Hindutva: Saffron Politics and Mobilisation. The fair was to be inaugurated by a state-level Congress leader at whose house Nehru and Gandhi had stayed on their visits to Bahraich.On the day of inauguration, however, a member of the Bahraich dargah committee complained to the administration that a riot-like situation had been created. Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code – prohibiting the gathering of more than five people – was imposed, triggering a riot.Enthused, local Congress leaders inaugurated the fair. A statue of Suhaldev was erected, a temple was subsequently built around it, writes Narayan. In 2001 the Maharaja Suhaldev Sewa Samiti was floated by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Three years later, a five-day celebration was inaugurated by Yogi Adityanath, then the BJP MP from Gorakhpur.

Suhaldev was also mentioned by Prime Minister Modi in an Independence Day Speech and again, in Ayodhya, he made a reference to the Monarch during his speech at the Ram Mandir Janmabhoomi ceremony. The King who belonged to the Dalit community defeated the Islamic invader and helped protect the Hindu Civilization from further plunder.

The grave of Salar Masud in Bahraich

A novel on Suhaldev has been written by Amish Tripathi,published in June,2020.Legend of Suheldev: King Who Saved India is the eighth book by Amish Tripathi, and the first book from The Immortal Writers’ Centre.

The story begins in 1025 when Mahmud of Ghazni sacks Somnath Temple and breaks the idol of Lord Shiva. The prince of Shravasti, Malladev, dies trying to save the temple. When his brother Suheldev comes to know of this, he feels enraged and promises retaliation.

Together with his father King Mangaldhwaj, Suheldev goes to Kannauj to ask for King Ajitpal's help in countering Mahmud's further attacks. But instead, they are insulted and sent back. On their way back, they notice a Turkish camp and engage in a fight with them. They kill all of them and realize that the Turks can be beaten if taken by surprise. So, Suheldev decides to exile himself and attack the Turks by surprise while pretending to have rebelled against King Mangaldhwaj so that Mahmud doesn't attack Shravasti.

Years pass and by 1029, Suheldev becomes famous as the bandit prince and a thorn in the side of the Turks. During this time, he also loots Qasar Khan, a special envoy of Mahmud and the governor of Kannauj but treats his wife with respect and is kind to his six year old. After looting them, he lets them go. He also visits Bareilly and meets a Turk called Aslan who is a disciple of the Sufi saint Nuruddin Shaikh. Once a maulvi, called Zayan gets into a conflict with Nuruddin calling him a supporter of kafirs and Zayan's nephew attacks Nuruddin. In order to save Nuruddin, Aslan attacks Zayan's nephew, killing him in the process. Due to this Nuruddin casts Aslan away as he hates bloodshed. Suheldev who was watching this befriends Aslan and invites him to join his team to which he agrees. He sometimes goes to spy on Turk soldiers for Suheldev as he himself is a Turk and understands Turkish.

In 1030, the Turks attack Delhi. Delhi's king Mahipal Tomar is killed in the battle and the Turks win. After winning, the Turks kill all the soldiers and men in Delhi, not even sparing babies. Women are sold in slave markets. Everyone who was related to the king is killed so that there can be no claim to the throne except for two people — Jaichand, Mahipal's son-in-law and the ruler of Sirat who wasn't present in Delhi and the king's commander-in-chief Govardhan whose father was the king's fifth cousin. Govardhan is saved because he retreats in time with a band of 30 soldiers.

Govardhan decides to go to Sirat for Jaichand's help but on the way, a woman tells him that Jaichand is a supporter of the Turks and he would hand him over to them and that was the reason why he didn't help Mahipal in the battle. The woman is later revealed to be Suheldev's spy and tells him the whereabouts of Suheldev and Govardhan joins his team.

Suheldev and his team go to villages attacked by the Turks. On one such visit, he goes to a village of leather workers which is destroyed by the Turks and all the people killed except a woman called Toshani who was saved because she was away when the Turks attacked. Toshani used to be a soldier in Kannauj army but deserted it when Kannauj surrendered to Mahmud of Ghazni. Toshani joins Suheldev's team. Suheldev later falls in love with Toshani.

In one of his attack on Turks, Suheldev is gravely injured and could have died, had Aslan not saved him. But it turned out that Aslan was actually Mahmud's nephew Ghazi Saiyyad Salar Masud in disguise and he only helped and saved Suheldev to kill him at the right place and at the right time so that he may be made into a good example. It also turns out that he went to meet Karim in his spy mission, who was the head of Turkish invasion of India. It is also revealed that Karim was Maqsud's lover.

In the meantime, Mahmud dies of some unknown reason and a civil war breaks out among his sons. As a result, all the Turk armies are called back and so is Maqsud as he was Mahmud's strongest commander in chief. So he tells the news of Mahmud's death to Suheldev saying Turks are not going to attack India for some years as they are into a civil war. He further tells him that he is not required in the mission for sometime as the Turks are gone and he is going to find some new sufi master for himself. Thus, he leaves Suheldev and sets back to Ghazni in order to help Mahmud's rightful heir get the throne. In the mean time, Mangaldhwaj dies of cancer and Suheldev returns to his kingdom and ascends the throne. Before his death, Mangaldhwaj, had created a confedracy of 21 kings to repel any Turkic invasion and Suheldev leads it.

In 1033, the war of succession in Ghazni ended with Mas'ud I of Ghazni as the new sultan who killed his younger brother Muhammad of Ghazni to get the throne. After becoming the emperor, he sends Salar Maqsud to India with a very large army to make it a part of the Ghaznavid Empire.

As he enters northwest India, Suheldev send his guru to Rajendra Chola for help. It is revealed that it was actually Rajendra Chola who ordered for Mahmud's assassination to avenge Somnath temple. Rajendra Chola agrees to help Suheldev.

As Maqsud advances, Ajitpal joins him with the Kannauj army. Maqsud also goes to Suheldev disguised as Aslan and gets all the information about his war strategy. But it's then revealed that Aslan was actually Maqsud's twin brother Salar Masud who supported Indians.

The battle day finally arrives. The Kannauj army refuses to fight for Maqsud and rebels but the army of Manohargarh joins Maqsud with its king Jaichand.

Finally in 1034, a fierce battle is fought at Bahraich in which Suheldev kills Jaichand but Govardhan's hand is fractured, Abdul loses an eye and Toshani is gravely injured. Suheldev is on the verge of losing but the Chola army arrives right in time to save the day. Every single Turk in their army of 60000 is killed and their bodies burned for the Turks didn't fear death but feared cremation as they believed it stops one's entry to heaven. Salar Maqsud is captured and beheaded by Suheldev publicly. His body is burnt and its ashes are sent to Ghazni in an urn. His head is preserved and sent to Ghazni along with his ashes with a message inscribed on his forehead — "Come to India as devotees and our motherland will welcome you. But come as invaders and we will burn every single one of you."

After this incident, Somnath temple is reconstructed and no foreigner dares to look at India for the next 150 years.

 The thrust of this entire novel is lack of unity in our society, basically due to caste structure and parochialism, and how the invaders took and still take advantage of this division. But, if there is a kshatriya king who is ready to be a slave to an Islamic invader rather than work with a low caste king, there is also an Indian Muslim whose love for his motherland doesn’t allow him to be lured by the call of violent pan-Islam. He refuses to buy the cruel and barbaric definition of Islam. There are more Muslim characters here who are show preference for the Sufi tradition against the violent strain of Islam.

Responding to the Marxist apologia about loot and destruction by Islamic invaders, the author tells bluntly through the hero, “Why do you think they attack our temples and destroy our idols? Wouldn’t it be more logical and rational for them to treat the idols as hostages and force us to give them money? They don’t do that because they are using our belief and faith to destroy our morale, to destroy our spirit. Because, they think that conquering a demoralised populace is much more easier. We have to pay them back in their own coin.”

© Ramachandran