Monday, 15 June 2020

CHRISTIANITY,KERALA AND GANDHI


Jesus is Not the Only Son of God

Gandhi was dead against conversion.But umpteen number of Christian missionaries were after him,to convert him.He never gave them a chance.They were after Ambedkar too,who had a wavering mind.Ambedkar in a speech in Nasik had declared that he is leaving the Hindu fold.Gandhi instead of the Christian Kingdom,propounded the Rama Rajya.Though he studied in London,unlike many others.he was never a Eurocentric;he had his moorings in Hinduism.

Gandhi was one of those Hindus who had studied the scriptures of all the important religions with open mind and without prejudice. During his prayer meetings, parts of the Bible were read out and at times Psalms were sung along with 'bhajans'. The Sermon on the Mount "went straight to his heart", he used to say. During his life-time Gandhi had developed friendship with several Christians. Some of them had become his followers like C.F. Andrews, Raj Kumari Amrit Kaur; Madeleine Slade (Mirabehn), and J.C. Kumarappa. The French writer and philosopher Romain Rolland who  wrote Gandhi's biography,used to call Gandhi a 'second Christ'. In fact Gandhi had shocked the Christian world by living like Jesus without being a Christian.Rolland had written Sri Ramakrishna Paramahmsa's biography too.
Is the Hindu Right's Appropriation of Gandhi Possible?

Christian missionaries were greatly tempted to convert  Gandhi. They thought that if Gandhi was converted millions of his followers will automatically follow suit. Christian missionaries came from all parts of the world, to discuss with him matters religious but often with the sole aim of converting him to Christianity.  He listened to them patiently, argued with them and sometimes even rebuked them for mixing up social work with proselytising. What they had brought to sell did not appeal to Gandhi. He used to tell the missionaries that he refused to believe that Jesus was the only son of God and that the salvation of a person lay in accepting Jesus Christ as the Saviour.

Gandhi has described this incident in his Autobiography (1929):

"In those days Christian missionaries used to stand in a corner near the high school and hold forth, pouring abuse on Hindus and their gods. I could not endure this. I must have stood there to hear them once only, but that was enough to dissuade me from repeating the experiment. About the same time, I heard of a well-known Hindu having been converted to Christianity. It was the talk of the town that, when he was baptized, he had to eat beef and drink liquor, that he also had to change his clothes, and that thenceforth he began to go about in European costume including a hat. These things got on my nerves. Surely, thought I, a religion that compelled one to eat beef, drink liquor, and change one's own clothes did not deserve the name. I also heard that the new convert had already begun abusing the religion of his ancestors, their customs and their country. All these things created in me a dislike for Christianity."

His real confrontation with Christian missionaries started in 1893 while Gandhi was in South Africa. Gandhi has described these first attempts in detail in his Autobiography thus:

"The first to come in contact was one Mr. A.W. Baker. He, besides being an attorney, was a staunch lay preacher.

"He upholds the excellence of Christianity from various points of view, and contends that it is impossible to find eternal peace, unless one accepts Jesus as the only son of God and the Saviour of mankind.

"During the very first interview Mr. Baker ascertained my religious views. I said to him: "I am a Hindu by birth. And yet I do not know much of Hinduism, and I know less of other religions. In fact I do not know where I am, and what is and what should be my belief. I intend to make a careful study of my own religion and, as far as I can, of other religions as well."

He also gave some religious books to Gandhi to read, including the Holy Bible. Mr. Baker had invited Gandhi to a prayer meeting next day which Gandhi attended. Apart from the general prayer, Gandhi records:

"A prayer was now added for my welfare: Lord, show the path to the new brother who has come amongst us. Give him, Lord, the peace that thou has given us. May the Lord Jesus who has saved us save him too. We ask all this in the name of Jesus."

One of the group was a young man Mr. Coates, a Quaker. He had given Gandhi quite a few books on Christianity and had hoped that he would come round and embrace Christianity.

Gandhi continues in the Autobiography:

"He (Mr. Coates) was looking forward to delivering me from the abyss of ignorance. He wanted to convince me that, no matter whether there was some truth in other religions, salvation was impossible for me unless I accepted Christianity which represented the truth, and that my sins would not be washed away except by the intercession of Jesus, and that all good works were useless."

Gandhi was introduced to several other practicing Christians, including a family belonging to Plymouth Brethren, a Christian sect..One of the Plymouth Brethren confronted Gandhi with an argument for which he was not prepared. He said:

"How can this ceaseless cycle of action bring you redemption? You can never have peace. You admit that we are all sinners. Now look at the perfection of our belief. Our attempts at improvement and atonement are futile. And yet redemption we must have. How can we bear the burden of sin? We can but throw it on Jesus. He is the only sinless son of God. It is His word that those who believe in Him shall have everlasting life. Therein lies God's infinite mercy. And as we believe in the atonement of Jesus, our own sins do not bind us. Sin we must. It is impossible to five in this world sinless. And therefore Jesus suffered and atoned for all the sins of mankind. Only he who accepts His great redemption can have eternal peace. Think what a life of restless is yours, and what a promise of peace we have."

Gandhi's reaction to this offer is typical of him and is oft quoted by his western biographers like Erik Erikson and Geoffrey Ash:

"The argument utterly failed to convince me. I humbly replied: If this be the Christianity acknowledged by all Christians, I cannot accept it. I do not seek redemption from the consequences of my sin. I seek to be redeemed from sin itself or rather from the very thought of sin. Until I have attained that end, I shall be content to be restless."

Gandhi was troubled with what was written in the Bible itself after he started reading it. Gandhi narrates another experience:

"Mr. Baker was getting anxious about my future. He took me to the Wellington Convention. The Protestant Christian organize such gatherings every few years for religious enlightenment or, in other words, self-purification. --- Mr. Baker had hoped that the atmosphere of religious exaltation at the Convention, and the enthusiasm and earnestness of the people attending it, would inevitably lead me to embrace Christianity. --- The Convention lasted for three days. I could understand and appreciate the devoutness of those who attended it. But I saw no reason for changing my belief - my religion. It was impossible for me to believe that I could go to heaven or attain salvation only by becoming a Christian. When I frankly said so to some of the good Christian friends, they were shocked. But there was no help for it."

Gandhi continues:

"My difficulties lay deeper. It was more than I could believe that Jesus was the only incarnate son of God, and that only he who believed in him would have everlasting life. If God could have sons, all of us were His sons. If Jesus was like God or God himself, then all men were like God and could be God himself. My reason was not ready to believe literally that Jesus by his death and by his blood redeemed the sins of the world. Metaphorically there might be some truth in it. Again according to Christianity only human beings had souls, and not other living beings, for whom death meant complete extinction; while I held a contrary belief. I could accept Jesus as a martyr, an embodiment of sacrifice, and a divine teacher, but not as the most perfect man ever born. His death on the cross was a great example to the world, but that there was anything like a mysterious or miraculous virtue in it my heart could not accept. The pious lives of Christians did not give me anything that the lives of men of other faiths had failed to give. I had seen in other lives just the same reformation that I had heard of among Christians. Philosophically there was nothing extraordinary in Christian principles. From the point of view of sacrifice, it seemed to me that the Hindus greatly surpassed the Christians. It was impossible for me to regard Christianity as a perfect religion or the greatest of all religions.I shared this mental churning with my Christian friends whenever there was an opportunity, but their answers could not satisfy me."

Gandhi was only twenty-four when these skirmishes with Christian missionaries occurred. 

Mahatma Gandhi holding a prayer meeting at Juhu Beach, Mumbai, May 1944.
Gandhi's prayer meeting at Juhu,Mumbai,1944

Gandhi wrote the following article on Jesus in Ramanand Chatterji's Modern Review in October 1941:

What Jesus Means to me

Although I have devoted a large part of my life to the study of religion and to discussion with religious leaders of all faiths, I know very well that I cannot but seem presumptuous in writing about Jesus Christ and trying to explain what He means to me. I do so only because my Christian friends have told me on more than a few occasions that for the very reason that I am not a Christian and that (I shall quote their words exactly) "I do not accept Christ in the bottom of my heart as the only Son of God", it is impossible for me to understand the profound significance of His teachings, or to know and interpret the greatest source of spiritual strength that man has ever known.

Although this may or may not be true in my case, I have reasons to believe that it is an erroneous point of view. I believe that such an estimate is incompatible with the message that Jesus Christ gave to the world. For He was, certainly, the highest example of one who wished to give everything asking nothing in return, and not caring what creed might happen to be professed by the recipient. I am sure that if He were living here now among men, He would bless the lives of many who perhaps have never even heard His name, if only their lives embodied the virtues of which He was a living example on earth; the virtues of loving one's neighbour as oneself and of doing good and charitable works among one's fellow-men.

What, then, does Jesus mean to me? To me He was one of the greatest teachers humanity has ever had. To His believers He was God's only begotten Son. Could the fact that I do or do not accept this belief make Jesus have any more or less influence in my life? Is all the grandeur of His teaching and of His doctrine to be forbidden to me? I cannot believe so.

Collected Works,Vol. 75 p. 69-70

During his life several Christian missionaries met him and tried relentlessly to convince him about the uniqueness of Christianity and the infallibility of the Bible. Gandhi was frank enough to tell them about their folly and the absurdity of their beliefs. Given below is confrontation of Gandhi with Christians in Kerala.

From John R Mott's discussion with Gandhi,13/14 November 1936,Vol.64 p.35-41 (Harijan, 19-12-1936 and 26-12-1936):

J.M.: But there is a deplorable confusion of thought and divided counsel even amongst friends. The Devil would like nothing better. My life has been mostly spent for the intellectual classes, and I feel very much conscience-moved to help in this movement.

Gandhiji cited the example of good Christians helping by working under the Hindu banner. There was Mr. Keithahn who was trying hard to smooth the path of the untouchables. There were Miss Barr and Miss Madden who had thrown themselves into the rural reconstruction movement. He then adverted to the problem in Travancore where an indecent competition was going on for enticing away the Ezhavas from the Hindu fold.

The Ezhavas in Travancore want temple-entry. But it is no use your asking me whether they want temple-entry. Even if they do not want it, I must see that they enjoy the same rights as I enjoy, and so the reformers there are straining every nerve to open the temple doors.

J.M. But must we not serve them?

G. Of course you will, but not make conversion the price of your service.

J.M. I agree that we ought to serve them whether they become Christians or not. Christ offered no inducements. He offered service and sacrifice.

G. If Christians want to associate themselves with this reform movement they should do so without any idea of conversion.

J.M. Apart from this unseemly competition, should they not preach the Gospel with reference to its acceptance?

G. Would you, Dr. Mott, preach the Gospel to a cow? Well, some of the untouchables are worse than cows in understanding. I mean they can no more distinguish between the relative merits of Islam and Hinduism and Christianity than a cow. You can only preach through your life. The rose does not say: 'Come and smell me.'

John Mott was an American evangelist, a prominent Y.M.C.A. leader and Chairman, International Missionary Council.

Extravagant Statements By Missionaries
Interview to Bishop Moore, Bishop Abraham and Others on 19 January 1937 at Kottayam

Bishop Edward Alfterd Livingstone Moore,fourth Anglican Bishop of Travancore-Kochi received Gandhi cordially and welcomed the Temple-entry Proclamation (in Travancore) as an important event. He inquired if the savarnas and Brahmins also welcomed it, or if there was any opposition on their part.

Gandhi said he had seen no signs of opposition. He had met several thousands of people, visited several temples, and had found savarnas and avarnas entering the temples in perfect friendliness.

Bishop Abraham asked if the Ezhavas were ready to treat the Depressed Classes of lower castes on terms of equality.

Gandhi said he could not reply with confidence but he was striving to emphasize that point everywhere, and he hoped that the Proclamation would be carried out in that spirit.

Bishop Moore said that he had heard that Mr Gandhi was disturbed over reports of Christian missionary work in Travancore, and that he was ready to remove any misunderstanding that it was possible for him to remove.

Gandhi said that he was indeed surprised at the report of conversions of thousands of people in the Telugu country and in Travancore made in Bishop Pickett's speech in England and in a statement of the Church Missionary Society appealing for funds over the signature of Prebendary Cash. He could not understand how responsible Christians could make extravagant statements to the effect that thousands had experienced a spiritual awakening and accepted the Gospel. The Bishop of Dornakal had even stated that those thousands included not only the Depressed Classes but a large number of so-called high-caste Hindus. Gandhiji said he had challenged the truth of these statements in the columns of Harijan and had invited them to prove that he was wrong. He had also met leaders working in Andhra and asked them to make inquiries into the truth of these extravagant statements.

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Bishop Moore

Bishop Moore confessed that he had trot read either the appeal for funds or Bishop Pickett's speech and could not, therefore, express any opinion thereon. He was quite sure, however, that no responsible missionary journal should ever publish statements that were not based on actual facts, and he wanted to assure Mr. Gandhi that no wrong information had ever been supplied from his diocese for which alone he could speak. During the last year they could record 530 persons as having been baptized into the Anglican faith.

Bishop Abraham said he had been to the Andhra country and had seen with his won eyes that there was a tremendous awakening there even among the middle-class savarnas he had addressed meetings which were attended by many of the high-caste people.

Gandhi: But that means nothing. Hundreds of students attend meetings addressed by Dr. Stanley Jones, but they cannot be said to seek conversion to Christianity. To say that hundreds attended meetings addressed by Christian preachers is very different from saying that hundreds have accepted the message of Jesus and from making an appeal for money in anticipation of people becoming Christian in large numbers.

Mr. Kuruvilla here put in whether Mr. Gandhi had any objection to their stimulating and responding to the spiritual hunger of people.

Gandhi said it was wholly irrelevant to the issue.

Bishop Abraham said they were responding to the spiritual hunger of the people. Mr. Gandhi could have no objection to that?

Gandhi said he could have no objection to responding to spiritual hunger, provided it was genuinely felt and expressed. But the matter was quite irrelevant to the discussion which was entirely about extravagant statements made by responsible people. He said to Bishop Moore that he would furnish him with a copy of the C. M. S. statement and he would like to know what Bishop Moore would have to say regarding it.
 
Vol.64 p.285-86. (Harijan, 13-3-1937)
Note: The interview took place at Bishop Moore's house at Kottayam. The object was to clear up misunderstandings.
Segaon, Wardha
January 30, 1937
Amrit Kaur's Views ( after Travancore)

Rajkumari Amrit Kaur was with me during the Travancore pilgrimage. Though she could not enter the temples, she followed the pilgrimage in all other respects. She has felt moved by what she observed during the pilgrimage, and has placed in my hands the following letter which I dare not withhold from the reader:

I am of opinion that the missionary with the best intention in the world - for we must credit him with honesty of purpose - has wronged Indian Christian in more ways than one. Many converts here have been denationalized, e.g., even their names have been changed in many instances to those of Europeans; they have been told that there is no true light to be found in the religion of their forefathers. The ancient scriptures of their ancestors are a closed book to them. At the same time, while there has been no conscious effort to purge the Indian Church of the taint of untouchability that exists within its own doors, the untouchability that exists in Hinduism has been exploited to the extent of so-called Christianity of the Depressed Classes. I say' so-called Christianity' advisedly, because I know that not one of these poor people to whom I have spoken and I have spoken to many - has been able to tell me anything of the spiritual implications of his change of faith. That he is equally ignorant of the faith of his forefathers and has been sadly neglected by his own community does not seem to me to be ample or any reason for transplanting him to an alien soil where he can find no root.

Your utterances during your pilgrimage of penitence in Travancore have been a great joy. In particular do I rejoice in your special message to the Christian community at Kottayam. In admitting once again the equality of all religions you have given Christians much food for thought, and I hope and pray that this will be the beginning of an era of self-purification for them no less than for the members of the Hindu fold. Are we not all Hindus inasmuch as we are the children of Hind? Is there not room for Jesus in Hinduism? There must be. I cannot believe that any who seek to worship God in spirit and in truth are outside the pale of any of the great religions which draw their inspiration from Him who is the fountain-head of all Truth. I am sure I am not the only Indian born in the Christian faith who holds these views, but I feel that if the teaching and example of Jesus are to enrich the life of our country, Indian Christians must turn the search-light inwards and seek to serve in that spirit of humility and tolerance which is the essence of all true religions and without which there can be no unity and no peace and goodwill on earth.Will you not help the Indian Christian to realize his mission? You can, because you have drawn inspiration from Jesus' undying teachings as embodied in the Sermon on the Mount. We assuredly stand in need of guidance.

Rajkumari Amrit Kaur has simple image in political career ...
Amrit Kaur

Owing to her close contact with me there was hesitation on my part over the publication. But the knowledge that she has very imperfectly voiced what other Christian friends have told me has overcome my hesitation. But I do not feel competent to guide Indian Christians. I can, however, appeal to them as I did at Kottayam and as I have done before then through these columns. I am on safer ground in responding to the Rajkumari's belief that there is in Hinduism room enough for Jesus, as there is for Mahomed, Zoroaster and Moses. For me the different religions are beautiful flowers from the same garden, or they are branches of the same majestic tree. Therefore they are equally true, though being received and interpreted through human instruments equally imperfect. It is impossible for me to reconcile myself to the idea of conversion after the style that goes on in India and elsewhere today. It is an error which is perhaps the greatest impediment to the world's progress towards peace. 'Warring creeds' is a blasphemous expression. And it fitly describes the state of things in India, the mother, as I believe her to be, of religion or religions. If she is truly the mother, the motherhood is on trial. Why should a Christian want to convert a Hindu to Christianity and vice versa? Why should he not be satisfied if the Hindu is a good or godly man? If the morals of a man are a matter of no concern, the form of worship in a particular manner in a church, a mosque or a temple is an empty formula, it may even be a hindrance to individual or social growth, and insistence on a particular form or repetition of a credo may be a potent cause of violent quarrels leading to bloodshed and ending in utter disbelief in religion, i.e., God Himself.

Rajkumari Amrit Kaur belonged to the royal family of Kapurthala (Punjab) and was daughter of Sir Harnam Singh who had embraced Christianity. Thus Amrit Kaur was a Christian though a devoted disciple of Gandhi like several other Christians.

Prof S K George from Thrissur was in the Inner circle of Gandhi.He lost his job in the Bishop's College,Calcutta in 1932 for supporting Gandhi.He wrote Gandhi's Challenge to Chrstianity ,in 1939.

To ALL CHRISTIANS IN INDIA

 Dear Fellow-Believers, 

The story of our Religion is nothing but the record of the appearances of Divinely inspired prophets, coming forward with compelling messages for their times, to lead their fellow men to fuller life and closer walk with God. But that story is also full of warnings to us, not to fail to discern the signs of the times, to know the day of our visitation; for it has been the lot of most of those prophets to be despised and rejected in their generation, though later ages have built their tombs and enshrined their memory. It is India's glory that in these latter days God has raised up a prophet, like unto these ancient men of God, from among her children. For it is my conviction that Mahatma Gandhi has been raised up by God in these days, as Moses of old, to lead his people out of the desolation of foreign domination and to set their feet on the path of selfrealization and world service. But the representatives of insolent might have, as of old, driven from before their faces the people's representative and God's. But what of the people? Will they too reject and disown him? We are persuaded better of the people of India as a whole.
For India has never stoned her prophets or rejected those that have been sent to her. But what of our Christian minority?

 India is on trial. We are confident that her people will come out vindicated and triumphant out of this trial. But Chistianity in India is also on its trial. We wish we could have been equally confident about that issue too. So far Indian Christians as a community have held aloof from the National struggle and allowed their inaction to be interpreted as acquiescence in reactionary measures and thus estranged themselves from their countrymen whom they seek to serve. But we trust they will not miss this last great opportunity to take their religion to the heart of the New Indi in the making. For this time the struggle will be swift and the issue decisive. We Christians ought to be devoutly thankful that that struggle is directed along strictly non-violent lines, enabling us to bear our part in it with a clear conscience. To us our Christian profession has already committed us to this struggle both as to its objective and its method. For as Christians we are bound to stand out against all injustice and oppression; and it needs no labouring the point at this time that British rule in India, in spite of all its seeming benefits, has in its totality done more harm than good to the country; and that in the interests both of India and Britain the present relation between the two countries must be radically altered. As to non-violence, it/is our Master's method, the Way of the Cross; and it is certainly up to us to be interpreters of its meaning and guardians of its integrity in the Holy War 4hat has already begun. If I appeal to Indian Christians, men and women, in all parts of the country to join in their thousands in the movement, it is because I believe that this movement under Mahatma Gandhi will lead to a partial realization at least of that great goal before mankind* the Kingdom of God, of which our prophets have seen visions and for which our Lord lived and died. It is our Christian duty, due both to God and country, to help in the realization of that ideal. May we not be found wanting in this hour of our trial! As to methods and programme, Mahatmaji in his last appeal to the community, issued through the Nationalist Christian Party of Bombay, has suggested two items in which Indian Christians can and ought to join. These are Khaddar and Prohibition. As he puts it, he has felt that the poor Indian Christian community needs Khaddar as much as any other community in the land for its economic salvation. So he expresses the hope, in his own inimitable language, that "every Indian Christian house will be adorned with the charkka and every Indian Christian body with Khaddar, spun and woven by the hands of their poor countrymen and countrywomen."

As for Prohibition, he could not understand, he says, how a Christian could take intoxicating drink. If we Christians have not been in the forefront of this work it is because we have been culpably indifferent to one of the curses that is ruining our country. The fullest co-operation with the country in these two items of constructive work seems to me the least the Indian Christian community as a whole can do at this juncture. But if individual Christians feel they ought to do more they ought to do so in the name of the Christ we serve; and I appeal to all Christian Churches and leaders to send them forth with their blessings and to uphold them with their prayers. 

YOURS IN THE SERVICE OF THE KINGDOM 
S. K. GEORGE, Lecturer (Resigned), Bishop's College, Calcutta.

A PERSONAL CONVICTION

 PERHAPS I owe it to my friends in different parts of the country to explain why it is that I felt it my duty to give up a place so congenial to me as Bishop's College, to wander into the wilderness, giving up for the time being even the care of my little family. To make my position fully clear I had better begin at the beginning of my 'spiritual pilgrimage'. It was during the great Non-cooperation days of 1921 that I began really to live. Up to that time I was merely the child of good parents, myself a good boy, which meant a harmless boy, though I had, all unsuspected by others, my own inner stormy life3 Mahatma Gandhi's life and message gripped me at that time and they have remained with me as an abiding influence, deepening and vitalizing as the years go by. Above all else they helped me to realize Christ and his message more than anything else. I realized with a distinctness, that has been blurred at times by considerations of safety and expediency, but which has never entirely faded out, that the central thing in Christianity is the hope of the Kingdom of God and that the Lord Jesus is inviting us to carry on the building up of that Kingdom with the devotion and in the spirit which characterized himself in his life on earth. Doctrinal affiliations have always seemed to me of less importance than devotion to the ideal of the Kingdom and it was in that belief that I came as a student and later as a member of the staff of Bishop's College. I shall ever be grateful to the Principal of Bishop's College for his understanding of my position and his uplifting faith in me, even though his own interpretation of Christianity differed in its emphasis from mine. 

But it was inevitable that my attitude should in the end clash with that of the authorities of the Church in India, especially at a time like this, when I believe that the Spirit of God is moving mightily to establish the foundations of the Kingdom of God in this land. For the Church with its commitments, its alliances with vested interests, its natural conservatism, and unfortunately in India its foreign leadership, was not to be expected to welcome such a radical thing as the Kingdom of God coming in power, particularly when God's chosen agent for it happens to be one outside its own fold. For it is my conviction that Mahatma Gandhi today is a worker for the Kingdom of God, perhaps the greatest force working for it here or anywhere else. I have for long felt it in my innermost being that he is a man of God and that the greatest duty of any Christian or any God-fearing man at this time is to stand with him for Truth and Justice, and true Brotherhood between men of all classes and creeds and races. This, ofcourse, is a personal conviction which no one can be argued into. But it made my own way clear. 

 My differences with the authorities of Bishop's College are of some years’ standing. During the last Civil Disobedience movement I had a little correspondence with the Metropolitan over his very unconvincing reply to Prof. Kumarappa. That time the Metropolitan had threatened to take action and the threat hung over me all through the next two years. When the struggle was renewed this year I could not remain indifferent to it. Believing as I do, that the Indian satyagraha is the Cross in action and that it gives Jesus Christ his greatest opportunity to enter the heart of a remade India, I held it to be my highest duty both towards the College and the Church in India to identify myself entirely with this non-violent movement, based absolutely on Truth and seeking solely to establish peace on earth and goodwill among men. But such an attitude on my part was regarded as disloyalty to the College and therefore I had no other alternative but to leave the College to follow my own conscience at this time of my country's need and my Lord's opportunity.

I fully trust that the Church in India will not long continue in its present apathy and will not finally miss this great opportunity to take her religion and her Lord right into the heart of the New India in the making and thus win for Him the devotion of this dear Mother of us all. May this consummation not long be delayed is the prayer of 

YOUR FRIEND AND COMRADE 
\S. K. GEORGE 
Calcutta, March 31, 1932
\

Gandi's letter to George

MY DEAR GEORGE, I was glad you were in the Ashram. I hope your fever has left you. For the time being only this note. Yes, Rama Raj is possible even with this mixture, if the workers are true. This does not exclude me. If I am true, there must be true coworkers, if false also. Do write whenever you feel like it.
 LOVE, Yeravda Mandir, 3-10-'32 BAPU

 S K George to Gandhi

The Ashram, Sabarmati, Oct. 5, 1932

 MY DEAR BAPU, 
I wonder whether my short note of September received your notice at all. As I said in that I have been striving to follow you for the last ten years, seeing in you God's chosen agent for bringing in His Kingdom on earth in this generation. Your life and your devotion to your ideal of Rama Raj made Christ and his Kingdom more real to me and I felt that in standing behind you I was helping to bring in Christ's Kingdom. It was this conviction of mine that brought me into conflict with the authorities of the Church in India and led to my resignation from Bishop's College, Calcutta, where I was a tutor. But having taken that step and having come to the Ashram for fuller identification with your cause, I find myself still perplexed as to my Christian duty. Before leaving the Ashram (I am going for a short stay at the Christa Seva Sangh, Poona) may I use my privilege as an ashrarmite of sharing my perplexities with you?

It is your ideal of Rama Raj that has won my allegiance. But my growing misgiving is whether it is possible to build up any Kingdom of God with people who have not seen the vision of it and do not accept its ideals as life-principles. The Congress does not share your ideal and is not working out your methods — for non-violence as a principle is poles apart from non-violence as a policy. I do not blame the Congress for it. It is a political organization, working for a political goal and for the realization of that it has adopted non-violence as the best policy — nonviolence in the sense of avoidance of violence — so as not to give a handle to its enemy, against whose organized violence it would otherwise have no chance. That, I believe, is all the non-violence that is in practice in the Congress campaign, though individuals may be found who carry it further. Undoubtedly even as a policy it is superior to violence and the only workable one in India; and I hope and pray that India will stick to it. But you will admit that non-violence as a policy cannot bring in the Kingdom of God. A worker for that Kingdom seeks no immediate and tangible success. He is content to wait till God's good time for its coming; indeed its coming means the perfecting of its methods and its workers. The goal of Indian Swaraj obviously cannot wait for such perfection. It is a political goal and it cannot long be delayed without disaster to the country, without making unrest habitual and driving impatient spirits among the youth to reckless acts of violence. The distinction therefore between the two ideals and the methods of their attainment ought, I think, to be made far more clear than at present. You, as a worker for the Kingdom of God, ought, in my humble opinion, to stand aside from the struggle for mere political power without hampering the swift acquisition of the latter by your insistence on methods which really pertain to the former and which you cannot get practised by a mass of workers who are in the main moved by the lesser ideal.

Take the case of your recent fast. I quite see that to you it was a religious issue and consequently far more important than the political question, and therefore you were prepared to lay down your life for it. But, as the leader of the Congress, you are fighting the political battle and thousands have followed you to prison expecting a speedy settlement of that. In turning aside from that main issue to fight untouchability, I humbly submit that, you were betraying the cause of the Congress. In taking up the untouchability question in the manner you did, you were really being true to yourself, but that as a worker for Rama Raj and not for Indian independence. India can get independence with separate electorates and with many imperfections which may not be tolerable in the Kingdom of God: only it would not be the independence of your conception; it would not be Rama Raj. But the issue has not been cleared as to whether the masses, and even the leaders, who stand behind you would prefer political independence in the immediate future or be content to wait and suffer for the Kingdom of God "which comes not with observation" and which cannot be forced upon men. I believe the majority of those who work under you, especially the leaders, would be willing to let go the distant and glorious ideal for the more tangible and immediate goal. Unless that issue is cleared in your favour you should stand aside and let the Congress fight its battle for its own legitimate, though lesser goal, while you should come out as a worker for God's Kingdom, challenging the allegiance of all who work and pray for it throughout the world. 

Having ventured to say so much, may I go on to make a further criticism? That relates to your fast. The time and circumstances at which you elected to fast on the issue were such, it seemed to me, as to throw part of the odium of it on the Government. This would be more clear if we think of the eventuality of your death. It would have irrevocably embittered the country against the Government, while you would really have died at the hands of the people. For however much the Government may be to blame for exploiting our unhappy differences this issue is peculiarly one of our own creation and maintenance, and one who felt, as you do, the enormity of our guilt in the matter would have exonerated the Government altogether and directed the fast solely against the people. What I mean is that this issue had better been fought with the Government left out. A deeper sense of your Hindu responsibility for the crime would have led you not to embarrass the Government even to the extent that the decision did and was meant to. I know I am treading on sacred ground when I question what you claim to be your divinely guided choice of time and say that the issue had better been tackled when the independence question was settled and you, from the height of your power, could have hurled your life as a challenge against this long-standing injustice. 

 Forgive me if in anything I have seemed to be irreverent. I was only being utterly frank with you. May I be favoured with a reply C/o the Acharya, Christa Seva Sangh, Poona? 
Your humble follower, S. K. GEORGE

Gandhi to George from jail

 My Dear George, I prize your letter for its gentle frankness. Only I cannot give you the full reply it deserves. My position as a prisoner would not warrant my giving you a detailed reply. One thing I may say. I do not isolate politics from religion as you appear to me to do. Religion to be true must pervade every activity of life. And that activity which cannot be pursued without sacrificing religion is an immoral activity to be shunned at all costs. Politics is not only not such an activity but it is an integral part of civic life. The rest of the discussion must be postponed to a more auspicious occasion. Only do not give me up in despair. I hope you had my previous letter. 14-10-, 32 Yours, Bapu.

( Gandhi-George Correspondence from George's book,Gandhi's Challenge to Christianity).

Segaon, Wardha
April 3, 1937
An Unfortunate Document
( A Reply to Barrister George Joseph and Others)

Fourteen highly educated Indian Christians occupying important social positions have issued a joint manifesto setting forth their views on the missionary work among Harijans. The document has been published in the Indian Press. I was disinclined to publish it in Harijan, as after having read it more than once I could not bring myself to say anything in its favour and I felt that a critical review of it might serve no useful purpose. But I understand that my criticism is expected and will be welcomed no matter how candid and strong it may be.

The reader will find the manifesto published in full in this issue. The heading(1) is also the authors'. They seem to have fallen between two stools in their attempt to sit on both. They have tried to reconcile the irreconcilable. If one section of Christians has been aggressively open and militant, the other represented by the authors of the manifesto is courteously patronizing. They would not be aggressive for the sake of expedience. The purpose of the manifesto is not to condemn uniquivocally the method of converting the illiterate and the ignorant but to assert the right of preaching the Gospel to the millions of Harijans. The key to the manifesto is contained in paragraphs 7 and 8. This is what one reads in paragraph 7:

"Men and women individually and in family or village groups will continue to seek the fellowship of the Christian Church. That is the real movement of the Spirit of God. And no power on earth can stem that tide. It will be the duty of the Christian Church in India to receive such seekers after the truth as it is in Jesus Christ and provide for them instruction and spiritual nurture. The Church will cling to its right to receive such people into itself from whatever religious group they may come. It will cling to the further right to go about in these days of irreligion and materialism to awaken spiritual hunger in all."

George Joseph

These few sentences are a striking instance of how the wish becomes father to the thought. It is an unconscious process but not on that account less open to criticism. Men and women do not seek the fellowship of the Christian Church. Poor Harijans are no better than the others. I wish they had real spiritual hunger. Such as it is, they satisfy by visits to the temples, however crude they may be. When the missionary of another religion goes to them, he goes like any vendor of goods. He has no special spiritual merit that will - distinguish him from those to whom he goes. He does, however, possess material goods which he promises to those who will come to his fold. Then mark, the duty of the Christian Church in India turns into a right. Now when duty becomes a right it ceases to be a duty. Performance of a duty requires one quality - that of suffering and introspection. Exercise of a right requires a quality that gives the power to impose one's will upon the resister through sanctions devised by the claimant or the law whose aid he invokes in the exercise of his right. I have the duty of paying my debt, but I have no right to thrust the owed coppers (say) into the pocket of an unwilling creditor. The duty of taking spiritual message is performed by the messenger becoming a fit vehicle by prayer and fasting. Conceived as a right, it may easily become an imposition on unwilling parties.

Thus the manifesto, undoubtedly designed to allay suspicion and soothe the ruffled feelings of Hindus, in my opinion, fails to accomplish its purpose. On the contrary, it leaves a bad taste in the mouth. I venture to suggest to the authors that they need to reexamine their position in the light of my remarks. Let them recognize the fundamental difference between rights and duties. In the spiritual sphere, there is no such thing as a right.

1. The heading of the manifesto was. "Our Duty to the Depressed and Backward Classes".
Note: The signatories were: K.K. Chandy, S. Gnanaprakasam, S. Gurubatham, S. Jesudasen, M. P. Job, G. Joseph, K.I. Matthai, A. A. Paul, S.E. Ranganadham, A.N. Sudarsanam, O. F.E. Zacharia, D.M. Devasahayam, G.V. Martyn.( only 13 names are there-Ramachandran.)
 
Vol.65 P. 47-48 ,Harijan, 3-4-1937



THE CHRISTIAN HIJACK OF KERALA POLITICS,1932-1938

Thangassery was a British Area

Looking back at some episodes in Kerala history,it becomes evident that a Christian agenda was at work to catch the vulnerable sections of the Hindu society and its leaders like C Kesavan.Ambedkar's 1935 exhortation to dalits came in handy,and the movement which began in the early 1930s began to show its true colours in the Abstention movement and the Thangassery struggle.In both,Barrister George joseph played a significant role.

Barrister George Joseph

Vaikom Sathyagraha (1924–25) was a social protest in erstwhile Travancore against untouchability and caste discrimination in Hindu society of Kerala. The movement was centered around the Sri Mahadeva Temple temple at Vaikom, in the present day Kottayam district. The Sathyagraha was aimed at securing freedom to all sections of society to pass through the public roads leading to the Sri Mahadeva Temple.Gandhi wanted only caste hindus to be on the fore front of the Vaikam Sathyagraha-hence he ordered Barrister George Joseph who was very much there to lead it,to exit from the scene.

Gandhi wrote to George Joseph on 6 April 1924:


"As to Vaikom, I think you shall let the Hindus do the work. It is they who have to purify themselves. You can help by your sympathy and your pen, but not by organizing the Movement and certainly not by offering Satyagraha. If you refer to the Congress resolution of Nagpur, it calls upon the Hindu Members to remove the curse of untouchability. I was surprised to learn from Mr Andrews that the disease had infected even the Syrian christians".

Andrews mentioned by Gandhi is C F Andrews ( 1871-1940 ) a priest of the Church of England,educator,social reformer and a close friend of Tagore and Gandhi.He was instrumental in convincing Gandhi to return to India from South Africa.C. F. Andrews was affectionately dubbed Christ's Faithful Apostle by Gandhi, based on his initials, C.F.A. For his contributions to the Indian Independence Movement.He taught at St Stephen'ds College,Delhi. George Joseph,a Syrian Orthodox Christian in the Gandhi camp from Chengannur,moved away,and embraced catholicism.

In response to popular demand for representative government,the Travancore Legislative Reforms Act of 1932 was enacted.However in the view of the major under-represented communities,the Ezhavas,the Muslims and the Christians the impementation of the new Act would have resulted in their getting even fewer seats in the legislature than before.The disproportionate representation of Nairs would not change as a result of the new Act.

The representatives of the three organisations on 17 Decembetr 1932 formed the Samyuktha Rashtriya Samithi ( Joint Political Conference).A deputation submitted a petition to the Dewan,Thomas Austin on 9 January 1933.Austin ( 1887-1976 ) was an ICS officer of the 1910 batch;he was district Collector of Nilgiris during 1929-32.Later,he was Chief secretary,Madras.
Austin Town in the city of Bangalore, is named after Thomas Austin who had built houses for low-income groups in the Cantonment section of the city.

The Joint Political Conference met on 25 January 1933 and passed a resolution that its members ' should abstain from taking part either by voting or by standing as candidates in the elections or by accepting nominations to the Legislature so long as the Government did not make adequate provision for the representation by election of all communities in proportion to their population in the Legislsture'.

To win the sympathy of of the British,the Conference drew a distinction between 'Abstention'( Nivarthanam) and 'Non-Cooperation'( Nissahakaranam) of Gandhi.The Viceroy Lord Willingdon was engaged in a campaign to crush the Non- Cooperation movement in India.The Travancore Government could not be deceived.The agitation continued to the end of 1933 when the Travancore Givernment in their attempt to eliminate the protest before the arrival of the Viceroy in Travancore,served a notice to the Christian news paper,Malayala Manorama,whose publisher K C Mammen Mappillai was a financier of the movement,to show cause why legal action should not be taken against it for supporting the agitation.It should ne noted that the Dewan was not Sir CP,the Dewan was a christian,Thomas Austin.A gag order was imposed on its leaders N V Joseph,P K Kunju and C Kesavan.It was in this back drop the Thangassery episode took place.

While the Christian,Thomas Austin was the Dewan,the leaders of the movement and its supporters till now have blamed Sir C P Ramaswamy Iyer,who was only the constitutional Advisor to the King,for suppressing the agitation,because he took steps to close the Travancore and National Quilon Bank later as Dewan in 1938-Mammen Mappilai was the one who had founded the Travancore Bank.


Viceroy Willingdon
The leaders of the movement claim that it was Sir C P who began a campaign to incorporate Thangassery,a small village with a population of 2000,who were mostly Christians,into the Travancre state.Covering an area of only about 100 acres,Thsngsssery originally formed part of the principality of Kollam ( Quilon ) and was ceded to the Portuguese in the sixteenth century.The Dutch then took it from the Portuguese and the British in turn from the Dutch,with the final transfer from the Dutch to the British taking place around 1815.Thus the village did not form part of Travancore for 400 years.A part of Tirunelveli district in Madras Presidency,it soon became a refuge for some of the Abstentionists who wanted to escape the attention of the Travancore police.

The determination to take over Thangassery was resisted by the inhabitants,who wanted their special British protectorate status.On 24 June 1934 the inhabitants passed a resolution to the British crown,to protect their status.A petition was submitted to British authorities in Madras,who then decided not to transfer without the concurrence of the inhabitants.On 15 January 1935,a counter petition was submitted to the Vuceroy by those wished for the merger.In response to this,another petition was drawn up,with demands similar to that of the Abstention movement.At the suggestion of Mammen Mappilai and others,early in 1935,M M Varkey,a stooge of Mappilai,was despatched to Madurai to meet George Joseph.George agreed to act an emissary to the Viceroy,if he was authorised by the people.A revised petition with clear authority to act on behalf of the people was given to George.

George and Varkey went to Madras and met the Governor Lord Erskine.From there they went to the offices of The Hindu and and Madras Mail,and keeping with Geoge's character or the lack of it,gave unwanted media exposure.George Joseph spoke at the local Congress meeting on prohibition,when invited.But George exploded against the very idea of prohibition,and the journalists surrounded him.He spoke about the Abstention movement and plight of the thangassery inhabitants in Travancore.In his trip to Delhi fro Madras,in every railway station,the press approached him for more.Before leaving for Madras he had informed of the developments in Travancore,to William Wedgewood Benn,former Secretary of State for India ( 1929-31 ) and the Duchess of Atholl,British Hostess of political soirees.Duchess of Atholl,Katharine Marjorie Stewart-Murray resigned the Conservative Whip in 1935 over the India Bill.

Katharine Stewart-Murray, Duchess of Atholl.jpg
Duchess of Atholl
In Delhi,George and Varkey met the Viceroy Willingdon,whom George had known while he was Governor in Madras.Thus Thangassery remained part of British India until India became independent.On their return journey from Delhi,George and Varkey found their first class reservations cancelled and seats occupied by others.George created a fuss thatbthe train was not allowed to leave until it was agreed that both of them could travel in the general manager's saloon.

M M Varkey who accompanied George records in his book Ormakaliloode,that it was Mammen Mappilai who organised the trip of George to Delhi.

Varkey was summoned through telegram by Mappilai to Alapuzha,where T M Varghese was also present.Mappilai gave blank cheque books and a list of banks where he can clear the cheques, to Varkey.Thangsassery Christians gave Rs 500.Mappilai dropped Varkey at the Alapuzha railway station in his car.

The inhabitants of Thangassery,writes Varkey,had to go to Tirunelveli for all thir needs since it was in British Inda.Hence,a merger in travancore would have been a positive development.But both Anchuthengu near Attingal and Thangassery,being part of British India,provided safe haven to the Abstentionists,to plan the agitation and escape.

The Abstentionists organised the Thangassery Christians to sent petitions to the Viceroy on three occasions:May 18 1934,8 September 1934 and 15 January 1935.The Viceroy ignored them,as he had full faith in the Travancore Dewan ( 1934-36 ) Sir Muhammad Habibullah.

Habibullah was a member of the Arcot royal family and closely related to the Nawabs of Arcot. From 1925 to 1930, he was a member of the Executive Council of the Viceroy of India.Habibullah was appointed Dewan of Travancore by Chithira Thirunal Balarama Varma, the Maharaja of Travancore, on 15 March 1934, and remained in office for two years.Immediately after taking office, he appointed a committee to determine the appropriate electoral representation for the state's various communities. Specific numbers of legislative seats were reserved for Christians, Ezhavas and Muslims. However, because of objections by the Nairs—the military caste of Travancore—the issue was not resolved.Habibullah retired in 1936 and was succeeded by Sir C.P. Ramaswami Iyer.
MuhammadHabibullah.jpg
Habibullah
Habibullah was the only Muslim Dewan Travancore ever had;this means the the Christian Abstention movement was forceful during a Muslim administrator,though they blamed Sir C P.

Varkey records that, "Mammen Mappillai saw Thangassey episode as a god send opportunity to showcase the sorry plight of the Travancore Christians."

At Delhi,George and Varkey stayed at the home of Pothan Joseph,Editor of Hindustan Times,and brother of George.George had lunch with Lancelet Graham,member of the Viceroy's Executive Council,and met the Viceroy the next day.He told the Viceroy that Christians at Thangassery were being sold like cattle;a cold blooded lie,since slavery was abolished in Travancore in 1855.After the meeting,George sent a telegram to Sir CP,informing of his success and challenging CP.He also sent messages to William Wedgewood,A A Somerville,Lord Atholl and Fitsalan,according to Varkey.Sir Annesley Ashworth Somerville ( 1858-1942 ) was a conservative MP from Windsor during 1922-1942.

This Christian manipulation found its nemesis at Kozhencherry soon.


C Kesavan,T M Varghese,George Joseph

On 13 May 1935,the Joint Political Conference held a meet at Kozhencherry under the President C Kesavan,on the backdrop of the Tangassery agitation.Sir C P Ramaswamy Iyer wanted to incorporate Thangassery into Travancore,whereas the Christian inhabitants there wanted a British Protectorate.George Joseph presided over the Kozhencherry meet.In his challenging address,Kesavan made critical references to the Nairs' monopoly of the general administration,roundly condemned the policy of of the government for discriminating against other communities and hinted at the intention of the Ezhavas to leave the Hindu fold.At the same conference,a request was made to the King of Travancore to dismiss Sir C P as his legal and constiturtional advisor ( Sir CP was made Dewan only in 1936) on the ground that his continuance was inimical to communal harmony.Kesavan said:

"We do not want that 'Jantu' (creature).I did not say 'Jantu' but Hindu. He will do no good to the Ezhava, Christian and the Musalman. When I say this I do not see any play of protest in the countenance of any one of you. It is after the arrival of this gentleman here that such a bad name about Travancore state has spread outside. Unless this man leaves the country, no good will come to it. We have achieved these things by the joint organisation of our three communities."

Calling one a Jantu ( animal ) was a statement of hatred,not of criticism.

A week later,Kesavan was charged under section 117 of the Travancore Penal Code for exciting contempt and feelings of disaffection towards the Government.George Joseph was appointed the defence counsel.He was to make a journey from Madurai to argue the case and return there on the completion of the hearings.Since it was believed that George Joseph's arrest was a strong possibility,the Kottarakara railway station was the only safe venue for the discussion of the case and the political events of the day since the railway stations constituted British territory and thus were outside the jurisdiction of the Travancore authorities.Kesavan was found guilty and sentenced to two years' imprisonment and a payment of a fine of Rs 500.


At the trial of Kesavan,Thangassery issue came up again.While delivering the judgement,Justice Raman Thampi observed that taking of a local issue to the British government over the head of the Travancore government,was highly irregular and the petition presented to the Viceroy amounted to disloyalty to Travancore.

In the book,Christians and Public Life in Colonial South India,1863-1937,Chandra Mallampalli records:"Througout the 1930s both Indian and International media had devoted much attention to the role of religion in determining the future of India'd depressed classes.Views of Gandhi and Ambedkar on conversion and nationality,alongwith Pickett's study of mass movements,had contributed to a climate of religious competition within which dalit issues were being addressed.At the Yeola Conference of 1935,Ambedkar issued his evocative call to dalits to seek equality of status within "another religion".His declaration caused Hindus,Muslims,Buddhists and Christians alike to consider the prospect of masses of dalits to committing themselves to their folds.Within this competitive climate,a group of prominent Christians attempted to carve out a middle path between excessive evangelistic zeal and indifference to the plight of the dalits.They formulated their position in a statement,"Our Duty to the Depressed and and Backward Classes".

Barrister George Joseph was one among them.J W Pickett wrote,Christian Mass Movements in India.

The signatories were: K.K. Chandy, S. Gnanaprakasam, S. Gurubatham, S. Jesudasen, M. P. Job, George Joseph, K.I. Matthai, A. A. Paul, S.E. Ranganadham, A.N. Sudarsanam, O. F.E. Zacharia, D.M. Devasahayam, G.V. Martyn ( Only 13 names are on record.)

Ambedkar had announced in a speech at Nasik in 1935 that he will renounce Hinduism. In the same year a meeting was held at Yevala in which through a resolution a decision was taken to the effect that "we should Denounce the Hindu religion". In that meeting Ambedkar had said, "though both a Hindu because I could not help it, I would not die as a Hindu." Gandhi described this as a "bombshell".
Thomas Austin

Kesavan's conviction aroused some of his Ezhava community friends even more and a section among them sought mass conversion to Christianity.They approached George Joseph on this matter.According to the biography,George Joseph:The Life and Times of Kerala Christian Nationalist,George Joseph's attitude was some what ambivalent.While any addition to the Christian fold was welcome to some one with his recently acquired Christian convictions,he was uneasy about the non-religious motivation underlying the intended mass conversion.He counselled caution when a number of Christian organisations wanted to take a more active role in promoting this project.This was also the time that he corresponded with Ambedkar regarding the efficacy of mass conversion as a political weapon to improve the status of the untouchables.However more favourable circumstances,notably the Temple entry Proclamation led many Ezhavas to reconsider the original plan of embracing Christianity.

The book claims that this conversion movement had the approval of SNDP Yogam-it can't be true becuase Sir C P had made several Ezhavas including Kumaran Asan Sree Moolam assembly members and eventually before Sir C P left Kerala,SNDP Yogam held farewell meetings in honour of him.R Sankar was a close friend of Sir CP.Sir CP allotted 27 acres of prime land to build the SN College free of cost,at the heart of Quilon town.Sankar and associates expressed their gratitude to Sir CP.Kesavan who was an atheist and anti Hindu, instead of condemning the Sabarimala Temple burning,applauded it by saying that destruction of temples would eradicate superstitious beiefs in society.

Incidentally it was Narayana Guru,renaissance leader and life long President of SNDP Yogam and Kumaran Asan,the Illustrious General Sceretary of SNDP,who vehementally opposed the conversion move of a group of upstarts and insisted that there is no religion equal to Hinduism in providing spiritual freedom and enlightenment,in a well known article,titled,Mathaparivarthana Rasavadham,a treatise on religious conversion.

George Joseph,who had supported Fascism as a rival to Communism after he left Gandhi,began to preach Christianity among the depressed classes and in 1937,a manifesto was issued by 14 Indian Christians including him,for conversion of the depressed classes to Christianity.George Joseph,a soldier of Christ,who had become an evangelist wanted to convert the depressed classes who constitute a majority of the Hindu population as a prelude to forming a Christian theocratic state in India.

Gandhi with people from Harijan community
Gandhi with Harijans
In the book,Hindu-Christian Dialogue:Perspectives and Encounters , Harold Coward states:

"Disagreements with Gandhi went beyond differences concerning specific facts about the motives for and consequences of conversion.Whereas Gandhi considered all religions on par,if not similar,in that they were both true and flawed,the Christians saw religions as basically distinct,each with differing gifts to offer.Moreover,whereas Gandhi sought to remove untouchability and the disabilities from which untouchables suffered without destroying the existing socio-religious order,the Christians,like Ambedkar,considered social conflict the inevitable price of meaningful change.This comes out clearly in many Christian statements including the one on "Christian Attitude to Harijan Revolt" issued by the Bangalore Conference Continuation in June 1936.This statement,unlike a later one,"Christian Evangelism in India", prepared by the National Christian Council ,was sensitive to reformist Hindu concerns and fearful of aggravating communal rivalries.It therefore urged Christians to continue their work among untouchables with great care and even to exercise a "ministry of reconciliation between caste Hindus and Harijans."

It further states:

"Perhaps the most thoughtful and sensitive Christian response to Gandhi's concerns came from a group of fouteen nationalist Christians who wrote a careful statement entitled,"Our Duty to the Depressed and Backward Classes:An Indian Christian Statement," in March 1937.On one hand,it recognized the fact untouchables were seeking the fellowship of the church and that it was the duty of the Christian Church to receive such seekers as well as to awake spiritual hunger.On the other,it urged restraint,so as not "to alienate the sympathy and spoil the open mindedness of the Hindu to the Gospel by any ill-considered attempts at external results of a questionable value".

Barrister George Joseph was one among the 14 signatories.
Gandhi called this an "unfortunate document" as its main purpose,in his creading,was "not to condemn unequivocally the method of converting the illiterate and the ignorant but to assert the Right of preaching the Gospel to the millions of Harijans."

Gandhi replied:

"The duty of the Christian Church in India is turned into a right.Now when duty becomes right it ceases to be a duty.Performance of a duty requires one quality-that of suffering and introspection.Excercise of a right requires a quality that gives the power to impose one's will upon the resister through sanctions devised by the claimant of the law whose aid he invokes in the excercise of his right.I hsave the duty of paying my debt,but I have no right to thrust the owed coppers ( say ) into the pocket of an unwilling creditor.The duty of taking spiritual message is performed by the messenger becoming a fit vehicle by prayer and fasting.Conceived as a right,it may become an imposition on unwilling parties."

The Editor of The Guardian,one of the 14 co-signers took issue with Gandhi's remarks and concluded that Gandhi's criticism does not allay Muslim and Christion suspicions that "Mahatma Gandhi is a downright communalist and cannot but fight as a Hindu inspite of his nationalism."

Ivanios,1908
The book mentioned above, then goes on to establish what it calls Gandhian Christianity,bringing into the picture,C F Andrews,Gandhi's close friend.Following Andrews,whose Mahatma Gandhi's Ideas appeared in 1929,Frederick B Fisher a Methodist missionary Bishop,and Jaswant Rao Chitamber,soon to become the first Indian Methodist Bishop,published very appreciative biographies of Gandhi in the U S in which they argued that Gandhi was putting Christian ideals into practice.Rajkumari Amrit Kaur,a Christian had also shared the same feelings.

George Joseph briefly returned to Congress,failed in Muncipal elections and in his practice as a lawyer,again left Congress and then got immersed in Roman Catholicism.His conversion to Catholicism was triggered off when Mar Ivanios,a Syrian Orthodox Archbishop acknowledged the authority f the Pope as the head of all Christian churches in 1931.Mar Ivanios was lured by a heftuy sum from Rome,according to his detractors.George Joseph joined the break away group led by Mar Ivanios.He began to campaign for the Christians and more specifically for the Catholics in the political arena.

He visited a French Jesuit,Fr Gathier who taught philosophy at a Jesuit seminary at Shembaganur,near Kodaikanal. The Jesuit Archives of Madurai Province is situated at Shembaganur (Kodaikanal) and Fr Gathier was in charge of the archives,from 1937.He dropped in his regular visits to meet his client,Maharaja of Nabha,at Kodaikanal.Ivanios was the first MA holder in Malankara Church.

Towards the end of his life,George paved the way for the closure of Kerala Kaumudi.On George's 50th birth day on 5 June 1937,he presided over a political conference at Punalur.There he was taken in a large procession led by caparisoned elephants.For Kerala Kaumudi,edited by Kesavan,George sent a message,which was published on 7 March 1938,two days after his death.The message read:

"The specific work of this year of the Kerala Kaumudi should be to press for responsible goverment in Travancore.The Legislative Council is in the process of reformation and you can have a state Government only by constitutional responsibility.In other words,power must pass from the palace to the Lregislative Council."

The Travancore Government considered publication of this message as unacceptable and by an executive order cancelled the license for publishing the paper.The publishers also forfeited the deposit of Rs 1000.

The Abstention movement didn't have the blessings of the Indian National Congress,which had banned any political movement in princely states.The Congress was agitating only in British India.Hence a section of the Christians,who still claim the movement was part of the freedom struggle,are eschewing a dead cause.

George Joseph died on 5 March 1938.Till his death,he was associated with the Abstention movement,a Christian movement in which C Kesavan was only a pawn of the global Christian agenda.The Joint Political Conference weakened and with the resignation of stalwarts such as N V Joseph and E P Varghese,on 4 July 1938,the last meeting of the Conference decided that all members of the organisation should be advised to join the newly founded Travancore State Congress.
____________________

Gandhi's Reply to 14 Christians Including George Joseph:

Segaon, Wardha
April 3, 1937

An Unfortunate Document

Fourteen highly educated Indian Christians occupying important social positions have issued a joint manifesto setting forth their views on the missionary work among Harijans. The document has been published in the Indian Press. I was disinclined to publish it in Harijan, as after having read it more than once I could not bring myself to say anything in its favour and I felt that a critical review of it might serve no useful purpose. But I understand that my criticism is expected and will be welcomed no matter how candid and strong it may be.

The reader will find the manifesto published in full in this issue. The heading(1) is also the authors'. They seem to have fallen between two stools in their attempt to sit on both. They have tried to reconcile the irreconcilable. If one section of Christians has been aggressively open and militant, the other represented by the authors of the manifesto is courteously patronizing. They would not be aggressive for the sake of expedience. The purpose of the manifesto is not to condemn uniquivocally the method of converting the illiterate and the ignorant but to assert the right of preaching the Gospel to the millions of Harijans. The key to the manifesto is contained in paragraphs 7 and 8. This is what one reads in paragraph 7:

"Men and women individually and in family or village groups will continue to seek the fellowship of the Christian Church. That is the real movement of the Spirit of God. And no power on earth can stem that tide. It will be the duty of the Christian Church in India to receive such seekers after the truth as it is in Jesus Christ and provide for them instruction and spiritual nurture. The Church will cling to its right to receive such people into itself from whatever religious group they may come. It will cling to the further right to go about in these days of irreligion and materialism to awaken spiritual hunger in all."

These few sentences are a striking instance of how the wish becomes father to the thought. It is an unconscious process but not on that account less open to criticism. Men and women do not seek the fellowship of the Christian Church. Poor Harijans are no better than the others. I wish they had real spiritual hunger. Such as it is, they satisfy by visits to the temples, however crude they may be. When the missionary of another religion goes to them, he goes like any vendor of goods. He has no special spiritual merit that will - distinguish him from those to whom he goes. He does, however, possess material goods which he promises to those who will come to his fold. Then mark, the duty of the Christian Church in India turns into a right. Now when duty becomes a right it ceases to be a duty. Performance of a duty requires one quality - that of suffering and introspection. Exercise of a right requires a quality that gives the power to impose one's will upon the resister through sanctions devised by the claimant or the law whose aid he invokes in the exercise of his right. I have the duty of paying my debt, but I have no right to thrust the owed coppers (say) into the pocket of an unwilling creditor. The duty of taking spiritual message is performed by the messenger becoming a fit vehicle by prayer and fasting. Conceived as a right, it may easily become an imposition on unwilling parties.

Thus the manifesto, undoubtedly designed to allay suspicion and soothe the ruffled feelings of Hindus, in my opinion, fails to accomplish its purpose. On the contrary, it leaves a bad taste in the mouth. I venture to suggest to the authors that they need to reexamine their position in the light of my remarks. Let them recognize the fundamental difference between rights and duties. In the spiritual sphere, there is no such thing as a right.

1. The heading of the manifesto was. "Our Duty to the Depressed and Backward Classes".

Note: The signatories were: K.K. Chandy, S. Gnanaprakasam, S. Gurubatham, S. Jesudasen, M. P. Job, G. Joseph, K.I. Matthai, A. A. Paul, S.E. Ranganadham, A.N. Sudarsanam, O. F.E. Zacharia, D.M. Devasahayam, G.V. Martyn.
 

Vol.65 P. 47-48 (Harijan, 3-4-1937
____________________

Reference:

1.Hindu-Christian Dialogue: Perspectives and Encounters/ Harold Coward
2.Christians and Public Life in Colonial South India, 1863-1937: Contending with Marginalty/ Chandra Mallampalli
3.George Joseph:The Life and Times of Kerala Christian Nationalist/ George Gheverghese Joseph
4.Ormakaliloode/M M Varkey
5.Christian Mass Movements in India/J W Pickett

© Ramachandran 

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