ANTHROPOLOGY OF SYRIAN CHRISTIANS 3

Privileges to Nairs Resented By Christians

The oppression of the Jesuits is the only cause to be assigned for the Syrians' separation from the church of Rome, and in support of the view the Carmelite Vincent published in 1666 and 1672 the first and second journeys of Bishop Joseph Sebastiani, the first Carmelite Vicar Apostolic. A different story is also given by another Carmelite Eustache de Pavily who published the life of Bishop Joseph in 1719. Regarding the various acts of the Synod of Diamper the learned Asseman says, "They were an outcome of misguided zeal of the ignorance of Syrian rite and language, and of the ancient oriental rites together with an excessive study of the Roman ceremonials." It is said in some of the recent publications that the Synod itself recognized the Syrians as Catholics who were to be reduced to the Latin rite and jurisdiction, as may be seen from the following paragraphs. 

In his circular for convening the Synod, Dom Menezes calls the Syrian Christians as pious people.He would have never styled them so, if they had not been Catholics. In the same circular he commanded the Rev. Archdeacon of the Diocese, all other priests of the time and the laity to attend the Synod "to approve, sign, and confirm whatever was to be determined therein." This also implied that he was calling upon a whole body of Catholics, clergy and laity under the heaviest penalty of the church. Had they not been Catholics, these threats of excommunication would certainly have been meaningless. The XVI decree reads thus:"The Synod commands in virtue of holy obedience and under pain of excommunication the priests and deacons and others whosoever of whatever dignity or rank in this Bishopric to hand over to the Most Illustrious Metropolitan, in person or through deputies, all hooks whatsoever written in Syriac, within two months after the publication of this decree has come to their knowledge. Under the same precept of obedience and excommunication it orders that no one in this Bishopric, of whatever rank he may be, shall dare to copy any book in Syriac unless the prelate has given him permission in writing to do it, the book, to copy which permission is granted being expressly mentioned". 

Again, in the IV decree of the VIII session we read: "The Roman Mass to be translated into Syriac". 

"For as much as the Syrian Mass is too long for priests that have a mind to celebrate daily, the synod doth grant license for translating the Roman Mass into Syriac, desiring the Rev. Fr. Ross S, J. to undertake the work. The Synod desires that the Bishops of these parts give license that the priests of this diocese having letters dimissory from their prelates, that do not know,how to say Mass in Latin, may be permitted to say the Syrian Mass in their churches or at least the Roman translated with all its ceremonies into Syriac  ". 

Further the profession of Faith read to the Archdeacon George who was then the head of the Syrian church, appointed by his Patriarch with the approbation of the Holy See, as 1 have already shown, has the following:" I do also promise, vow and swear to God on this Cross ana these Holy Gospels, never to receive into this church and Bishopric of the Serra (mountains), any bishop, archbishop, prelate, pastor or governor, whatsoever, but what shall be immediately appointed by the holy Apostolical See and Bishop of Rome, and that whomsoever he shall appoint, I will receive and obey as my true pastor, without expecting any message from or having any further dependance, upon the Patriarch of Babylon."

The Syrio-Chaldean Mass, called 'Kudasa dasleehe Kadeese' (Sacrum Beatoruni Apostolorutri ) has no connection with the Latin translation of the same lately published by the Rt. Rev. Mar Aloysius Paraparampil, the Vicar Apostolic of Ernakulam. He has made plain to certain distinguished persons who for certain ends contended that the Syrian Mass is none other than a translation of the Latin. The rites prescribed by the Synod of Diamper as  'impious, sacrilegious and a spontaneous outcome of the Nestorian heresy' are still in the Syrian Missal used today, which was printed at Rome, at first in 1775 and again in 1884, until the approbation of the Holy See. Fortunately, then, the Syrian Mass of today is substantially the same as was before the Synod. 

Until a short time before the Synod of Diamper the Syrian priests were using for mass leavened bread and vestments proper to the Oriental Church. It was Mar Joseph and Mar Abraham, who, owing to irresistible pressure from the Portuguese, introduced un leavened bread and vestments according to the Roman style, which are retained even today. Asked for an explanation by his Patriarch for introducing these novelties. Mar Abraham excused himself by saying that his position was that of an "anvil under the hammer,"; The principal thing the Synod of Diamper achieved was that the church of Malabar was forcibly and arbitrarily severed from its time honoured and legitimate dependence upon the Patriarch of Babylon and brought under Latin prelates.

 The first of these prelates was Dom Francis Roz S. J., who became the first Latin Archbishop of the Apostolic See of Cranganur, and stands at the head of the long list of Latin Bishops who have governed the Syrians. The Christians of St. Thomas had to acquiesce before Superior power, but never ceased to protest against the injury done to them. Even after this synod they continued to humbly submit their grievances to their supreme Pastor. But owing to the presence of an opposing force far stronger and far more influential than they were, these did not begin to be redressed before three long centuries had rolled away, when in the memorable year 1896 the great Leo XIII, so remarkable for his singular solicitude for the Oriental Churches, entrusted the government of the St. Thomas Christians to three Syrian Bishops selected from the indigenous clergy. For preserving the ancient Syrio- Chaldean rite in Malabar the wise Pontiff deemed it necessary to take this important step, nor did he do so before he had ascertained the real slate of things in Malabar through the Apostolic Delegates Mgrs, (afterwards Cardinals) Agliardi and Ajuti and from the report of Dr. L. Maurin S,Vicar Apostolic of Bombay, whom Pius IX had sent as his special envoy to the Christians of St. Thomas.

The news of the revolt at Coonen Cross reached Rome, when Pope Alexander VI I sent a party of Carmelite monks to win hack the Syrians to the Roman fold. They came by the Persian Gulf and arrived at Palur near Chavakad on the 22nd February 1657. They succeeded in their attempts to a considerable extent. Eighty four churches returned to their protection, and only thirt two remained under the Syrian Archdeacon Thomas ; but the capture of Cochin by the Dutch in January 1663 completely changed the situation. These new masters ordered all Roman ecclesiastics out of their territory and the Syrian clergy and their followers were left unmolested on condition that they would pay no allegiance to the King of Portugal. Gradually, the Carmelite fathers returned to work among the Syrian Christians, but the Dutch took no notice of them. Permission was given to erect a church at Chakkiat near Ernakulam, and this was the first church of the Carmelite fathers in Cochin.

 According to a decree dated 1st September 1698, from the Senate of Amsterdam, Peter Paul, the nephew of Pope Innocent II, and the Bishop of Ancyra, who entered the Carmelite order, got through the influence of the Emperor Leopold I, permission for one Bishop and twelve Carmelite priests to reside in the territory, but not in Cochin.By this arrangement other bishops were also allowed to reside at Verapoly. From this time for the next two centuries the Carmelite mission prospered, and the Vicar Apostolic of Verapoly has since then practically governed the Roman Catholics and the Romo-Syrian communities in Malabar, Cochin and Travancore. In virtue of the Jus patronable the King of Portugal still appointed Archbishops of Cranganur and Bishops of Cochin but their jurisdiction was confined only to the Portuguese territory, and with the rise of the Dutch power it virtually ceased to exist. 

Diamper Church

With the beginning of the British supremacy the struggle between the Portuguese and the Jesuit Archbishops of Cranganur and the Carmelite Vicars of Verapoly broke out again, and this was brought to a head by the Papal Bull Mulla Preclare of 1838 which practically abolished the Portuguese Padroado (patronage) jurisdiction of Sees of Verapoly, Cranganur, Cochin, and Colombo. This bull was not obeyed by the Portuguese clergy who contended that the Pope had no power to make these alterations without the consent of the King of Portugal, and they themselves were not bound to receive any orders from Rome except through the Court of Lisbon. Matters were finally settled by the Concordat of 1886 between Pope Leo XIII, and the most faithful king. This defined the limits of the jurisdiction of the rival priests, and gave the rule of the Romo-Syrian community of Malabar to the Archbishop of Verapoly. In 1868 Archbishop Leonard became Vicar Apostolic of Verapoly.He thought that the Latin Catholics would form a sufficient charge, and he obtained a Co-adjutor, Bishop Marcellinus, for the separate charge of the Syrian Catholics. He was replaced by two European Vicars Apostolic, stationed at Trichur and at Kottayarn. For these posts were selected Father Medlycott, and Father Lavinge S. J., formerly secretary of Father Beckx, General of the Jesuits. This arrangement lasted till 1896, when the often repeated request of the Romo- Syrians to have bishops of their own community was at last granted to them by Rome. The two European Vicars were withdrawn, and three Syrian priests, Fathers John Menacheri, Aloysius Paraparambil and Mathew Makil, were consecrated by the Papal Delegate as Vicars Apostolics of Trichur, Ernakulam and Changanachery. Owing to a dispute between the Northists (Northerners) and Southists (Southerners) in Travancore in points of social status, a new bishopric was created in Changanachery, and the former bishop has his head-quarters at Kottayarn.

The Jacobites are the representatives of Monophysitism.They are named after Jacob Zenzalus, Jacobite Church,surnamed Al Bardai,which is derived from Barda, a city in Armenia or as is generally assumed from a "sort of felt which the Arabs called 'Barda' used for the saddle cloths which they wore as a beggar". He was born at Tela known also Constantania, fifty miles from Edessa, towards the close of the fifth century, and was brought up in a monastery, where he was educated in Monophysitic theo- logy, Greek, and Latin literature. Disciplined with severe asceticism, his fame as a monk-miracle worker rapidly spread. He had all along led the life of a shrinking recluse, when he was suddenly called to a career of great activity. 

Anciend bridge at Barda

He was ordained to be the Metropolitan of their church. He visited Asia Minor, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Persia, where he introduced his doctrines, and ordained the clergy for his party. For more than thirty years he continued his labours with great success till his death in 578 AD. He was an ambitious man, an enthusiastic evangelist, and an indefatigable peace maker. It was by his ordination of Sergius as successor to his master that the heretical succession was kept up. To give an account of the rise and progress of the Jacobite Syrians, it is necessary to go back to the great Eutychian controversy in the fifth century concerning the constitution of the person of Christ. The leader of the controversy was an old monk Eutyches, a man of no breadth of mind or depth of insight. He held that Christ, after his incarnation, had only one nature which was the nature of "God-become-man". In other words, it may be said that "God was born, God suffered, God was crucified and died". Dioscurus, Bishop of Antioch, (444 — 451 AD) was the leader of this Monophysite (one nature) party. Eutyches, attacked by Theodoret, was deposed by a Synod at Constantinople (448 AD) which declared that Christ after his incarnation consisted of two natures in one substance and one person. This belief was upheld by Leo I, Bishop of Rome, (440—461 A.D). 

In 449 AD, a council was held at Ephesus and it absolved Eutyches on repeating the Nicene creed, but deposed and excommunicated Theodoret and Leo, Its decrees were ratified by the Emperors Theodosius and Valentinian. Atter further intrigues, the fourth Eccumrenical Council was held at Chalcedon in 451 A D, and was attended by 600 Eastern Bishops and by two delegates sent by Leo of Rome. The proceedings of the Synod at Ephesus were annulled. Dioscurus and Eutyches were banished, and the Nicenc creed was adopted with an addition which acknowledged Christ in two natures without confusion, without severance and without division.

The Chalcedon declaration was at once impugned widely, and its opponents, who maintained the oneness of Christ's nature though acknowledging that it was composite, were called Monophysites. They proclaimed that God has been crucified and altered that Catholic sanctus to this form ! : "Holy God! Holy Almighty ! Holy Immortal ! who has been crucified for us, have mercy upon us ! "This led to new commotions and divisions, and all attempts at compromise failed. This party gradually died out within the Empire though it actually remained active beyond it in the Coptic,  Syriac and Armenian churches with Jacobus Bardeus as the founder. The head of the church, called Patriarch of Antioch lives at Diarbekir. This title is claimed by no fewer than three church dignitaries. The members and the clergy are very illiterate and ignorant, but the Syro-Jacobite liturgies are very numerous. No fewer than forty one are described by Neale. Their superstition is more abject, their feasts more rigid, their internal divisions more numerous, and their doct- rines are remote from the precincts of reason.

The West Syrians or natives of Syria proper to whom the Syrians of these parts trace their origin became Monophysites through the influence of the Patriarch of Antioch.From the middle of the fourth century for about a thousand years the Christians of Malabar were in a state of spiritual distress and indiscriminately applied for bishops to one of the Eastern Patriarchs who were either Nestorian or Jacobite; so thai at the request of the Syrian Christians of Malabar, both Nestorian and Jacobite bishops seem to have come to Malabar,and their teaching was indiscriminately accepted by them.It may be said that these credulous Christians imbued with the primitive forms of Christianity were too ignorant of the doctrinal differences to be in a position to distinguish between Nestorian and Jacobite forms of Christianity. Reference is made to the arrival in India of a Jacobite bishop in 696 A D from Babylon, and they are said to have interviewed the native rulerc and travelled through the country, built churches and looked after the affairs of the Syrians.

But Paoli, quoting Le Quien, puts the arrival of these bishops a century later. He says, " In 925 Mar Sabor and Peroses, Nestorian bishops from Persia, came to Malabar," About 1129 they were followed by Mar Johannes Episcopa who was sent by the Catholic of Bagdad.

The account given by Hough (Vol. I, page 107) of the two bishops whom he calls Mar Sapores and Mar Phcroz is as follows :

" Some time after the foundation of Quilon in the beginning of the tenth century, there is an account of the Syrian Ecclesiastics arriving there from Babylon.The names were Mar Sapores and Mar Pheroz. It is nowhere explained for what purpose they came to India ; but it is probable that they were charged with some particular ecclesiastical commis- sion from the Metropolitan of Persia or that they came from him merely with the general intention of strengthening their eastern brethren in the faith and keeping up the communion already subsisting between them and their Patriarch.The Raja of Travancore permitted them to preach in his dominions and to build churches, wherever they desired. There can be no doubt that during this century the church in Malabar was in communion with the Nestorian Patriarch.

 "Prior to the Synod, however, there was trouble in Malankara owing to the intrigues of the Portuguese and their persecution of the Syrian church. The first attempts to bring the Syrians of Malabar into communion with Rome were made, according to Hough, (246), in 1546, by Cordaliers or Friars of the orders of St, Francis. But seeing the futility of all attempts hitherto made to turn them from their faith, and from their allegiance to their own Patriarch, and attributing failure to the presence of the Syrian bishop, they determined to remove him." (i, 250). Mar Thomas Joseph Metran was accordingly sent to Portugal. Soon afterwards a bishop named Abraham arrived in Cochin.

It is also said that when persecuted by the Portuguese he fled to Babylon and also subsequently sought to obtain a new Metran. It is clear from these writers that Mar Abraham was sent from Babylon, and at the request of the Malabar church. The history of the Metranship of this unfortunate Bishop is a series of plots and counterplots. He unsuccessfully tried to manage the two opposite authorities of Babylon and Rome and yet he failed to secure the approval of either. "At length", says Hough, 'beginning to bend under the weight of years, worn out by the long and unremitting persecution of his enemies, and probably afflicted with compunction for his various prevarications, Mar Abraham felt unequal to the duties of his office, and wrote to the Patriarch of Babylon to send them a Bishop to assist him while he lived, and to succeed him after his death." In answer to this request Mar Simeon was sent about the year 1758.

Tomb of Mar Abraham/Angamaly

Speaking of the Malabar church at this period, Gibbon says, "their separation from the western world had left them in ignorance of improvements or corruption of a thousand years; and this conformity with the faith and practice of the fifth century would equally disappoint the prejudices of a Papist or a Protestant"(Decline and Fall of The Roman Empire, Ch. XLVII). Whatever might have been the original connection between Babylon and Antioch, there is no doubt, that at the time of the advent of the Portuguese in India, it was not to Antioch but to Babylon that the church in Malabar looked for aid and advice in times of difficulty. After the rupture with Rome the Syrians elected Archdeacon Thomas, as their Metran under the title of Mar Thoma I. The Archdeacon was known as Mar Thomas I, and at the request of his flock, in spite of the fact that the Metropolitan was a member of another communion which stood in the relation of mutual excommunication with the Church, Mar Gregorius remained in the country administering the Church conjointly with Mar Thomas, Thus, the Nestorian Church in India passed under the Jacobite rule voluntarily and apparently without any consciousness of the irregularity of its action. " No plainer proof," says W. F. Adney, " could be had of the condition of indifference to which it had arrived." So things went on to the end of the century without any confusion or clashing of customs. Regarding him, Hough says, " Not only after his elevation Mar Thoma showed his zeal against the Roman Church and also against his rival Mar Gabriel, the Nestorian bishop, for, on the 8th June 1729, he wrote to the Dutch Commander at Cochin charging the other Syrian bishops with Nestorian heresy, with the assassination of two bishops of his sect, and with a murderous design of his late uncle. Then after inveighing against the Papal supremacy, the Romish doctrine, and mass, he concludes,  "we on the contrary acknowledge the Church of Antiochfor our head and that the Messiah has but one nature and one person." 

Mar Thomas I was a member of the Pakalamattom family held in high repute and veneration as one of the Brahman families, the members of which were believed to have been converted and ordained by St. Thomas himself. This family continued to supply Metrans till 1815, when it was supposed to have become extinct. This hereditary succession is, in the opinion of some, a relic of the Nestorian practice. The earliest converts were high-caste Hindus, among whom the succession of a nephew or brother might quite as well be a relic of the Hindu custom. The Metrans had properties, and they were careful in securing the succession for their brothers or nephews. Mar Thoma 1 had never received any regular imposition of hands. He died in 1669 and he was succeeded by his brother Mar Thomas II, who was killed by lightning in 1686. His nephew became Metran as Mar Thomas III and held office for two years. Mar Thomas IV, his successor, remained in office till 1728. The last two bishops are said to have been consecrated by Bishop John, a scholar of great repute, who with another Bishop Basil came from Antioch in 1685. Thus the Syrian Church was governed by a succession of prelates some of whom instituted practical reforms, but never excited any theological interest in their own peculiar tenets.

 Evidently, theology, says W F Adney, was dead in the Church, and the vitality of the Church was not vigorous. But a silent current was flowing towards the Jacobite position. This is proved by what happened in the 18th century, when Mar Gabriel, a Nestorian bishop, came to Malabar. Neither the Metrans, Mar Thomas IV, nor his successor Mar Thomas V, nor his people, would acknowledge him, nor permit him to preach in their churches ; for he was a man without any definite creed, and professed himself a Nestorian, Jacobite, or Romanist, according as the one or the other best suited his purpose. But this prohibition might have been more due to the polemical views than to any objection to his heresy, for he was an implacable enemy of the jacobites. He was nevertheless able to detach a small following of the Syrians whom he brought back to their own Nestorianism. The consecration of Mar Thomas V, by Mar Thomas IV, was held to be invalid, because it was opposed to the teachings of the Jacobite Church. The Christians looked to the Dutch for help, but were disappointed. They had then recourse to a Jewish merchant Ezekiel, who undertook to convey the message to the Patriarch of Antioch. 

Mar Ivanus, a man cf fiery temper, was brought from Bassorah. He interfered with the images in the Churches, and this led to violent quarrels from which followed his sudden departure from the country. Through the Dutch authorities of Cochin, a fresh requisition was sent to the Patriarch of Antioch, who sent three bishops, Basil, John, and Gregory. In 1761, Mar Thomas V, consecrated his successor as Mar Thomas VI. At this time one Kattumangat Ramban, resorting to a stratagem, got himself consecrated as Metran under the name of Mar Kurilos by Gregorius, one of the said Bavas. This again led to violent disputes and quarrels which came to an end by the flight of Kurilos, who founded the See of Anjur, about sixteen miles west of Trichur, and became the first bishop of Thoahayur . 

  Kurilos was succeeded there by his brother Kurilos II, who was followed by one Gevergese who too was called Philixonos. This Philixonos by unauthorised intrusion played an important part in the affairs of Malankara. Mar Thomas was consecrated by the bishops sent by the Patriarch of Antioch under the title of Dionysius, known also as Dionysius the Great, owing to his considerable influence, great administrative capacity and the long government of his diocese for more than thirty-seven years. It was on this occasion in 1770, that a Metran was ordained by a Jacobite Patriarch- Thus in regard to orders there are grave doubts concerning the state of priesthood of the Syrian Church in India. It would appear that ordination in many cases was irregular.  

A new chapter in the history of the Syrian church opens with the introduction of the English influences under the auspices of the Church Missionary Society. At first the native Metrans welcomed the co-operation of the Missionaries, but later on a hostile spirit was manifested towards the foreign intruders. In 1809, there was an interview between Dr, Buchanan and Mar Dionysius, when the former broached the question of union with the church of England. The proposal was rejected by the Metran and the congregation. Mar Dionysius died in 1808.Thomas Kathanar who succeeded him, as Thomas VIII, died in 1816.

 Regarding this Metran there was some dispute about the consecration. The hand of Thomas VII was laid on his head, but this act was apparently done, while the former was in an unconscious condition. He was never consecrated by delegates from Antioch, and this led to disputes .His successor Thomas IX was an old incapable man, and was replaced by Itoop Ramban known as Pulikot Dionysius or Dionysius II. There is nothing to show that Thomas IX received consecration either from the Patriarch or by delegates. He was consecrated by his predecessor Thomas VIII. He died in 1818. Philixonos, the successor of Kurilos as Bishop of Thozhayur, consecrated Punnathara Dionysius or Dionysius III. The Church Missionary Society has always had for its sole aim to make the Syrian church a missionary one, and as proposed by Dr Buchanan, the Society began their work under favourable conditions, and the most friendly relations existed between the Syrians and the Church Missionaries for some years to such an extent that the latter visited the Syrian churches and even preached sermons. It was also seen at the time that, what the Nestorian Church needed most, was education for the Syrian clergy and laity, who were found to have been sunk in gross ignorance. Accordingly, in 1813, a college was opened for the Syrian priests and deacons under the management of Rev. Joseph Fenn. The scriptures were translated. All this was done with the approval of the Metran, but the conservative party among them began to fear that the Syrian Church would be brought under Protestant control. The English missionries were disposed to think that if the Roman corruption could be removed, the Syrian Church would return to its original simplicity. But longer experience showed that it would require a radical reformation. 

Gibbon's book

On the death of Dionysius III in 1825, Cheppat Dionysius, who was consecrated by Mar Philixinos, succeeded him, as Dionysius IV. It must be remembered that the three foregoing Metrans were consecrated by Mar Philixinos who succeeded Kurilos. The former received consecration from Mar Gregorius. the Patriarch's delegate, and was presumably a Jacobite in faith. During his reign the missionaries were suspected of using the influence with the Metropolitan to win the Syrians over to the Protestant faith. The conservative party of the Syrians opposed this movement, and petitioned the Patriarch who sent a bishop named Mar Athanasius. lie had a large number of Syrian adherents, and was very much opposed to Mar Dionysius, whom he tried to excommunicate., but was deported by the Travancore Government at the instance of the British Resident.

The missionaries, who superintended the education of the Syrian youths, began to teach doctrines contrary to those of the Jacobite Church, and this gave rise to distrust and suspicion towards them. Bishop Wilson of Calcutta went to Kottayam to effect a reconciliation with them, but his attempts were not crowned with success, because they were reluctant to accept the important changes concerning the temporal and spiritual affairs, namely, doing away with prayers for the dead, revision of their liturgy, and the management of the church funds. The Church withdrew from all connection with the Syrian Church. Since their work for the Syrians was completely closed soon after, disputes arose in regard to the funds and endowments of the Seminary, and they were settled by arbitration in 1840, and the properties were divided between the Metropolitan and the missionaries. The latter had friends and sympathisers among the Jacobites, some of whom became members of the Church of England .

The Syrians were not satisfied with the consecration of the Metropolitan by Mar Philixinos, and they therefore petitioned the Patriarch of Antioch. Just then a party of the Syrians, hostile to the Metropolitan, sent a member of their community named Mathew to Antioch, and his arrival there was opportune, because the Patriarch was looking out for a proper man. He was welcomed and consecrated as Metropolitan of Malankara under the title of Mathew Athanasius. He put forward his claims to the headship of the church. Mar Dionysius resisted his attempts and appealed to the Patriarch denouncing him as one whose sympathies were inclined towards the Protestant missionaries. The Patriarch sent one Kurilos with powers to expel Mathew, and with the connivance of Mar Dionysius, Kurilos became the Metropolitan of Malabar, but his credentials were found to be forged, and this led to his flight. Mar Athanasius, finding himself duped by Dionysius and Kurilos, appealed to the Resident, pointing out how the people had been deceived by these two bishops and how his own position had been imperilled by their intrigues. After much deliberation, the Travancore Darbar, advised by the British Resident, appointed a committee which is known as the " Quilon Committee " to hold a searching enquiry and investigate the respective claims of Athanasius and Kurilos. Athanasius was, as the proper claimant, again installed in 1862. The Patriarch of Antioch himself visited Cochin and Travancore in 1874, and held a synod at Mulanthuruthi in which resolutions were passed affirming the supremacy of Antioch, recognising Mar Dionysius as the accredited Metropolitan of Malabar, and also condemning Mar Athanasius as a schismatic. The Patriarch returned to Mardin, but matters did not end there.

After the withdrawal of the Church Missionary Society from the Syrian Church, there were among the Syrians those who imbibed love for the missionaries, appreciated their teachings and expositions of the holy scripture and use of prayer in the vernacular. Fortunately for :hem there was a pious kathanar  priest known as Abraham, who, sympathising with the spiritual aims of the missionaries, returned to his Parish at Mararnannu, and resolved to carry out the principles which lie at the root of all religious reforms by conducting the worship of God and preaching in a tongue understood by the people. Among the changes introduced in his own Parish were the restoration of the Holy Communion in both kinds, dispensing communion to the people during service, protesting against masses performed for money, and abolition of prayers to the saints.Malpan Abraham became the Wickliff of the Syrian Church of Malabar  ; and the reform movement, having been started, gained more and more sympathisers. The clergy began to preach to the people in Malayalam, and the scriptures were read in their families. The students of the Kottayam college and elsewhere were awakened by the reformed Christianity, and were inspired with admiration for its life and liberty.

 

 After the death of Abraham the movement went on prospering under his nephew Mathew, who became Metropolitan of the Syrian Church in Travancore and Cochin, and was as such recognised by the British Resident and rulers of Travancore and Cochin;Before his death, he consecrated to be his suffragan, his cousin, Mar Thomas Athanasius, who succeeded to the Episcopal throne in 1877, and was loyally obeyed by the reformed clergy and the laity. He died in 1893, and Titus Mar Thoma who died in 1910 was the successor of the Metran of 1893 who bore the same name. The present Metran ( 1926) is his nephew and, consecrated likewise by his predecessor, presides over the reformed party of Jacobite Syrians who prefer to be called St. Thomas Syrians. The Jacobite Syrians were thus split up into two parties, one of which was the Bava's party under Mar Dionysius consecrated by the Patriarch of Antioch who led those who were opposed to the reformation, and the other (the Metran's party) under Mar Mathew Athanasius who headed the reformed party. The two parties were quite inimical to each other .The whole question turned mainly on the right of the Jacobite Patriarch to the supremacy over the Syrian Church in India. In fact he ordained only one Metran (Mar Athanasius) during the whole Jacobite period. The opposing party based their claims on the early history of the Church, when it was in communion with the Ncstorian Catholicos at Babylon, and had derived its ordination therefrom; as well as on its own habitual autonomy. But the judicial decision after ten years' protracted litigation handed the See over to the Jacobite nominee, Mar Dionysius Joseph.

Thus far has the history of the Jacobites been described. It may be that they have conducted the whole of the ecclesiastical business very loosely, that they were dependent on the services of foreign bishops, and that they very much liked to see a prelate from Asia among them. " The services of these prelates says Dr. Milne Rae, " were so given and received as to exhibit on both sides a ludicrous attempt to keep a show of apostolic succession, and the way in which it was done was enough to reduce apostolic succession ac least in Malankara to a farce."

Mar Thoma I

Further, many of the foreign bishops are said to be mere adventurers, and some of them unscrupulous men utterly unworthy of the position to which they aspired. Those who performed episcopal acts and those who received them left behind them no evidence to show that they were accredited representatives of the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch. "The Syrian Church was closely connected with the Patriarch of Antioch for more than 200 years, and during the long period one Metran was consecrated by delegation of the Patriarch, and the other by the Patriarch's own hands. All the rest were, so far as documentary or legal evidence is concerned, without any authority, and there was no proof that they were bishops at all."

 There remains another branch of the present Jacobite Syrian sect, in which the bishops ordained their own successors without recognizing the necessity of ordination by the Patriarch. The members of this sect are found in the Ponnani taluk of South Malabar and in the northwest of the Cochin State. They are the adherents of the bishops of Anjur or Thozhiyur near Chavakad, a small See founded in the eighteenth century by Mar Cyril, who, quarrelling with the Jacobite Bishop Mar Thomas, got himself consecrated by one of the three bishops sent out by the Patriarch of Antioch to validate the consecration of Mar Thomas.

In order to understand the origin of the Chaldean Syrians and their leaning towards the Patriarch of Babylon,it is necessary to go back to the Portuguese period. At the arrival of the Portuguese on the West Coast, the Syrians had bishops sent by the Nestorian Patriarch of Babylon. The Portuguese were probably not aware of it, and within fifty years these bishops died out. At this time, there was a movement among the Nes- torians for reconciliation with Rome, and a large body of them submitted under the leadership of Sullaca who went to Rome, and in 1553 was proclaimed by Pope Julius III as John, Patriarch of the Chaldeans. "From that date the word 'Chaldean' has been applied to those Nestorians who have abjured the Nestorian heresy, and are in communion with Rome, and their Patriarch is called the Chaldean Patriarch of Babylon in distinction from the Nestorian Patriarch of Babylon." Syriac and Chaldean are sister languages as are Tamil and Malayalam- Syriac is spoken in the country about Antioch and Damascus, and Chaldean is spoken near Babylon and Bagdad. Roman Catholics in Syria use the Chaldean language, and Jacobites use the Syriac. "The second Chaldean Patriarch, Ebedjesus, who was present in the Council of Trent, sent Bishop Joseph to Malabar in 1655, and this Bishop Joseph was succeeded by Mar Abraham. These two bishops showed a tendency to return to the Nestorian heresy, and therefore from the date of the diocesan synod of Diamper, the diocese was severed from the Patriarchate of Babylon, and was placed under a bishop nominated by the King of Portugal, and afterwards under a Vicar Apostolic sent directly by propaganda, These are indications that the Romo-Syrians disliked this system. They had their own oriental rite, but they longed for an oriental bishop, and they looked to the Chaldean Patriarch of Babylon as their quarter from which this oriental bishop should come. There was one such movement in 1709, and another in 1787 under Thomas Pareamakal in the same direction (India, Orientalis Christiana)".

Under the government of Archbishop Bernardin at Verapoly, the desire to obtain an oriental bishop from the Chaldean Patriarch revived, and was fomented by a Chaldean priest named Denha Bar Jona who landed on the coast in 1852. After some months be returned to the Persian Gulf, carrying with him letters from various Syrians to the Patriarch with a request to send them a bishop. The leader of this movement was a Romo-Syrian priest named Thondanatta Antony. He was born in 1819, and was ordained in 1858 by Bishop Louis of Verapoly. He had inherited from his uncle the privilege of main- taining a domestic seminary, and had fifteen youths studying for priesthood. He took these candidates to Verapaly for ordination, and Archbishop Bernardin refused to ordain them. This refusal provoked Father Antony, who in 1868 set sail for the Persian Gulf with two priests, three clerics, and twelve seminarists. The two priests and some of the younger men died on the journey, but Antony and some of them returned in 1861 bringing with them a Chaldean bishop, Roccos or Mar Thomas.* The Bishop Roccos wrote to the Resident and signed the letter " Mar Thomas, Metropolitan and Commissioner of the Roman Catholic Chaldean Syrians in Malabar." It was clear from this that Bishop Roccos was a Roman Catholic and the only point in dispute was the claim of the Chaldean Patriarch for jurisdiction in Malabar. Bishop Roccos had a number of followers among the Romo-Syrians, but his advent to this country was denounced from Rome as a breach of ecclesiastical discipline. This led him to return to his country in 1862. 

The departure of Bishop Roccos from India did not bring the movement to an end. There was still a party of Romo- Syrians who still desired to get a Chaldean bishop, and some of them were influential and wealthy. The Chaldean Patriarch himself sympathised with their wishes. Meanwhile the party among the Romo-Syrians with a desire to have a Chaldean bishop selected Thondanatta Antony. Antony went a second time to the Persian Gulf, and applied to the Chaldean Patriarch for consecration. The Patriarch who had instructions from Rome was not bold enough to consecrate Antony but sent him to the Nestorian Patriarch of Babylon who consecrated Antony as bishop. Antony then returned to India under the name of Mar Abedjesus or Abdeso wearing the insignia of a bishop. But unfortunately he made his submission to the Vicar Apostolic of Verapoly. He laid aside his episcopal insignia, and worked as a Romo-Syrian priest. 

In 1874 the Chaldean Patriarch sent to the Malabar coast a bishop named Melius who was a Roman Catholic. The Pope then issued orders that Bishop Melius should quit India ,which he refused to obey. His disobedience in due course resulted in his suspension and excommunication, but yet retained a following at Trichur and elsewhere known as Chaldean Syrians, a sect that arose out of the split created among the Romo-Syrians of Trichur by the arrival of the said bishop, Antony joined Bishop Melius and acted as a bishop, conferring Holy Orders on some candidates. In 1877 the Chaldean Patriarch made formal submission to Rome and issued orders recalling Bishop Melius from India. In 1877 Bishop Melius left India appointing Mar Abedjesus or Mar Abdeso and a chorepiscopus in charge of the people who adhered to him. In 1889 Bishop Melius submitted to Rome but his lieutenant Mar Abedjesus or Abdeso was not reconciled, and kept the independent Syro-Chaldean Church of Malabar. Mar Abedjesus had consecrated more than, one bishop. He died at Trichur on the 16th November 1900. The chorepiscopas presided over the remnant of his flock, till 1908, when the most Rev. Mar Timotheus who was ordained as the Metropolitan of India and Malabar by Mar Simon, the Catholicos of the East, exercised his spiritual authority over the newly formed sect. The account given above is one version of the Chaldean Syrians of Trichur. There is also another version which is given below:

It is now held by all authorities that till the Synod of Diamper in 1599, churches in Malabar were Nestorian, and that thereafter they became Roman Catholic. The forced conversion of the Syrian Christians to the Romish faith by the Jesuit missionaries became so intolerable to them that it ended in a revolt in 1653, at Coonen Cross in Mattancherry. Thence forward there were two parties, one of which, a minority, owed its allegiance to the Pope, while the other, a majority, returned to its Nestorian faith. In 1657, the Carmelite missionaries succeeded in their attempts to convert some of the Nestorians into the Roman Catholic faith. For twelve years after 1653, the Nestorians were without a bishop from the East, but were governed by their own Archdeacons. In 1655, Mar Gregory, a Jacobite bishop, sent by the Patriarch of Antioch, came to Malabar, and soon after many of the seceders became Jacobites. 

Nevertheless there is evidence to adduce regarding the arrival of Nestorian bishops after 1665 for the government of the Nestorian churches of Malabar, and one of them was Mar Gabriel who was sent by the Patriarch of Mosul. He governed them for 23 years from 1708 AD. It is also said that after his death in 1731, his adherents returned to their old faiths. 

Tarisapally ( Quilon ) Copper plates,AD 849

For nearly two centuries after 1551 there were four Nestorian bishops, Mar Joseph, Mar Abraham, Mar Simon, and Mar Gabriel, and the rites in vogue were both Jacobite and Nestorian. The existence of Nestorian churches in Malabar, nine years after that, i e., 1796, which was 15 years before the foundation of the Trichur church was recorded by Paoli who was a Roman Catholic Divine. Besides the two parties mentioned above, there remained a body of the Syrian Christians who still adhered to the Nestorian faith, and their descendants are the Chaldean Syrians of Trichur who follow the same faith and rituals.

The existence of their having been a separate sect can further be substantiated by a number of documents presented by the members of the community in a suit filed in the local District Court in connection with the possession of the property of their church. The earliest document is dated 1058 (1882).The opening sentences in this document contain their past history, and refer to the preaching of Christianity in Malabar for the first time by the Apostle St. Thomas, the use of rituals in the Chaldean language from that time: for a. number of years, the absence of any faction amongst them till the advent of the Portuguese, the forced conversion of a portion of them by the Portuguese, the strength of their sovereign power, and by depriving them of the services of the bishops sent to them by the Patriarch of Babylon, either by murdering or cruelly persecuting them, the acceptance thereafter by some amongst them who remained faithful to their old religion of the Jacobite faith of their forefathers after the advent of the English .The next admission was in an original suit O. S- 24 of 1064, wherein they maintained that, after the Synod of Diamper, and after 1653, there existed and still existed on the date of the suit a number of churches subject to this spiritual and ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Nestorian Patriarchs of of Babylon.

This admission is quite consistent with the history of the community. The third paragraph in another document contains the history of the Syro-Chaldeans of Trichur. " It refers to the religious and political revolutions which occurred here. There have been the persecutions and conversions by the Portuguese and the revolt at the Coonen Cross. It is said that a few descendants of the early Syrians were left here and there as if to preserve the greatness and glory of " Our " race and speaks of the Syro-Chaleans as a small fraction of that noble remnant who had stood to that day firm and unshaken in their old faith and answciing in their loyalty to the Eastern Church.

DURING the first few centuries after the death of the Apostle Thomas, the Syrian Christians increased in numerical strength. New colonies were formed at various intervals. Fresh bands of immigrants made their appearance in the land not long before the granting of the Christian charters. According to the traditions of the Church, a company of Christians from seventy-two families, belonging to seven tribes from Baghdad, Nineveh and Jerusalem, under orders from the Catholic arch-priest at Urahai (Edessa), arrived along w ith the merchant Thomas, or Thomas of Cana, in 745 AD.It is also said that Thomas had two wives, and by each of them he had numerous descendants among whom his property was divided, those by his first wife receiving his northern estates and those by the second inheriting the southern. These descendants are called the Northists and Southists respectively, Though in religion they believe the same doctrines, and are ruled by the same bishop, they are usually distinct communities with no inter-marriage between them. The Southists are fairer in complexion and have finer features than the Northists, and boast of their descent from the parent church with the genuine Syrian blood in their veins.The account given above is not accepted by some who say that there were Christians here before the arrival of Thomas Cana, The Northerners may have been the Christians near Cranganur, reinforced by Thomas Cana and his party. The Southerners may have been the Christians living near Quilon reinforced by the party of Mar Xabro and Mar Prohd.

In 882 AD,another set of immigrants under Mar Sapor and Mar Peros, two Nestorian Persians, settled in the neighbourhood of Quilon. They made a deep impression upon the ruler of the land. These two immigrants, says Dr. Milne Rae,form the historical grounds for the division of the community into Northists and Southists, although the legends which have mingled with the history have obscured the facts ;and they are probably the last of the immigrations from "the mother church'' in High Asia to South India.

The Syrian Christians in former times were mostly merchants trading with foreign countries on a large scale. The rulers of the land conferred on them high privileges which were embodied in the two copper-plate charters, the date of the grant of one of which, according to Dr. Burnell's calculations, is 774 AD. It is said to have been granted by Vira Raghava Chakravarthi to Iravi Korttan of Cranganur, giving him, as the head of the Christian community there, the little principality of Manigramam, and elevating him to the position of sovereign merchant of Kerala. The other charter granted by Sthanu Ravi Gupta is supposed to be dated 824 A D. Scholars who have tried to fix the dates differ in their views. In a discussion of the subject in the Epigraphica Indica, Vol. IV, pp. 290—297, 1896-7, it is said that the subjoined inscription is engraved on both sides of a single copper plate, which is in the possession of the Syrian Christians at Kottayam. The plate has no seal, but instead a conch is engraved about the middle of the left margin of the second side. This inscription has been translated by Dr. Gundert.  Kookkal Kelu Nair has also attempted a version of the grant. Dr. Gundert's translation is here given:

 " Hari ! Prosperity ! Adoration to the great Ganapathy ! On the day of the (Nakshatra) Rohini, a Saturday after the expiration of the twenty-first day of the solar month Mina (of the the year during which) Jupiter (was) in Makara, while the glorious Vira Raghava Chakravathi (of the race) which has been wielding the sceptre for several hundred thousands of years in succession from the glorious king of kings, the glorious Vira Kerala Chakravarthin was ruling prosperously : 

" While (we were) pleased to reside in the great palace, we conferred the title of Manigramam on Iravi Korttan alias Cheraman-loka pperun-jetti of Magodaiyarppattinam." 

"We (also) gave (him the right of) festive clothing, house pillars, the income that accrues, the export trade, monopoly of trade (the right) of proclamation, forerunners, the five musical instruments, conch, a lamp in day time, a cloth spread (in front to walk on), a palanquin, a royal parasol, the Telugu? drum, a gateway with an ornamental arch, and monopoly of trade in the four quarters."

 " We also (gave) the oil-mongers and the five (classes of) artisans as (his) slaves." 

"We (also) gave, with the libation of water, (caused it to be) written on a copper-plate to Iravi Korttan, who is the Lord of the City, the brokerage on (articles) that may be measured with the (para), weighed by the balance or measured with the tape, that may be counted or weighed, and on all other (articles) between the river mouth of Kodungallur and the gate ( gopura), chiefly between the four temples (tali) and the privilege attached to (each) temple." 

"We gave this as property of Seramandoka-pperun-jetty, alias Iravi Korttan, and his children's children in due succession. 

"The witnesses who know this are:

We (gave) it with the knowledge of villagers of Panniyur and the villagers of Sogiram. We gave (it) with the knowledge (of the authorities) of Venadu and Odunadu. We gave (it) with the knowledge of ( the authorities) of Ernadu and Valluvanadu. We gave (it) for the time that the moon and the sun shall exist." 

 " The handwriting of Seraman-loka-pperum-dattan Nambi Sadayan, who wrote (this) copper-plate with the knowledge of these (witnesses)."

 Mr. Venkayya adds that "it was supposed by Dr. Burnell (Indian Antiquary, III, 1874) that the plate of Vira Raghava created the principality of Manigramam, and the Cochin plates that of Anjuvanum.The Cochin plates did not create Anjuvanum, but conferred the honours and privileges connected therewith on a Jew named Rabban". 

Similarly, the rights and honours associated with the other corporation, Manigramam, were bestowed at a later period on Ravikkoran. It is just possible that Ravikkoran was a Christian by religion. But his name and title give no clue in this direction, and there is nothing unchristian in the document except its possession by the present owners. 

On this name, Dr. Gundert first said " Iravi Korttan must be a Nazrani by name, though none of the Syrian priests whom I saw could explain it or had ever heard of it". Subsequently he added, "I was indeed startled by the Iravi Korttan, which does not look at all like the appellation of a Syrian Christian ; still I thought myself justified in calling Manigramam a principality — whatever their Christianity may have consisted in—on the ground that, from Menezes' time, these grants have been regarded as given to the Syrian colonists"'.

Kookal Nair considers Iravi Korttan a mere title, in which no shadow of a Syrian name is to be traced. The second charter was granted in 824 AD, to the Christians of St. Thomas with the sanction of the Palace Major or Commissioner of King Sthanu Ravi Gupta, who is believed to be Cheraman Perumal. It is a legal instrument which confers a plot of ground in the vicinity of Quilon, with several families of heathen castes, on Maruvan Sapor Iso, who transfers the same with due legal formality to the Teresa Church and comm unity. There was, " says Dr. Milne Rae, " a political necessity for this remarkable promotion for the Christian community in Malabar." 

At the respective dates of the two Christian charters, the Perumals had to fortify themselves against external enemies. They had to avail themselves of every resource by which their seats on the throne might be preserved. There were fears of invasions,  by the Rashtrakutas, and  by the Gangas or other feudatories or the Rashtrakutas from the East via the Palghat gap. At such times the Perumals might have been in need of large sums of money either to bribe or to fight the invaders, and it would not be an improper inference from these facts that the trading foreigners may have satisfied Perumal's wishes, and thus have scoured lor themselves a higher standing in the land of their adoption. 

 The two charters throw a good deal of light on the social condition of the Syrian Christians during the seventh and eighth centuries. The Christians like the Jews were incorporated into the Malayali people, and the position assigned to them and the jews was that of practical equality with the Nairs of the Six Hundred of the nad in respect of the two characteristic functions and privileges of protectors and superiors for a share of the produce of their land in compensation for their services. The duties of the Jewish and Syrian communities were also to protect the town of Palliyar or the church people in union with the Six Hundred and the nad and the church people had to render to them and the king trustworthy accounts of the shares of the produce of the land due to them. " Let them Anjuvanum and Manigramam act both with the church and the land, according to the manner detailed in the copper deed for the items that the Earth, Moon and Sun exist".

The Syrian Christians of Cochin and Travancore have been all along, and are even now, a flourishing community.Their prosperity is mainly due to the religious tolerance of the native Governments, and the protection and patronage of the early Hindu rulers of the two States as evidenced by the copper-plate grants granted by one of the Perumals of Kerala. Their social and military status in former times are very interesting and given below: 

They were numbered among the 'noble races of Malabar'. "They were preferred to the Nayars, and enjoyed the privilege of being called by no other name than that of the 'sons of kings'. They were permitted to wear gold tresses in the hair- locks in marriage feasts, to ride on elephants and to decorate the floor with carpets' (History of the Malabar Church by JoCundus Raulin, Chapter II). They were entrusted with the protection of the artisan classes. Their servants had the charge of cocoanut plantations, and if they were molested by any one, or if their occupation was otherwise interfered with they appealed to the Christians who protected them and redressed their grievances. The Christians were directly under the king, and were not subjects to local chiefs. A Hindu doing violence to a Christian had his crime pardoned, only in the case of his offering to the church, a hand either of gold or silver according to the seriousness of the offence, as otherwise the crime was expiated by his own blood. They never saluted any one below their own rank, because it was dishonourable to their status.

While they walked along the road they saluted others at a distance, and if anybody refused to reciprocate it, he was put to death and the Nayars who were of  the military clan regarded them as brethren, and loved them exceedingly. All communities had special men-at-arms called Amouchi who were bound on oath to safe-guard the people or places under their protection even at the cost of their lives. They were loving, faithful and diligent. They respected the Christians before whom they never ventured to sit unless invited to do so. They were very strong and powerful, and their bishops were respected and feared like kings. To erect a play-house (frascati) was the privilege of the Brahmans, and the same privilege was given to the Christians also. They were given seats by the side of kings and their chief officers. Sitting on carpets, a privilege enjoyed by the ambassadors, was also conceded to then:. In the sixteenth century when the Rajah of Parur wished to concede the privileges to the Nayars in his dominions, the Syrian Christians resented and immediately declared war against him if he persisted. Conscious of his inability to enforce his will, in opposition to theirs, he was obliged to leave the matters on their ancient footing. The immunities and honours above mentioned ren- dered the dignity of their bishop very considerable.

The Syrian Christians were almost on a par with their sovereigns. They were allowed to have a military force of their own, which was composed chiefly of Shanars. the caste that cultivated the palm tree, besides the Brahmans, they were the only inhabitants of the country who were permitted to have enclosures, in front of their houses.In front of their girdle they were accustomed formerly to carry a large knife like a poniard, highly tempered, and having a long metal handle; sometimes the handle was made of gold and beautifully worked. From the end of this handle were suspended chains of the same metal to one; of which was fastened a steel, with which to sharpen the poniard ; to another, a small metal-box which contained quicklime. This lime was prepared in a peculiar manner to in: prove the flavour of the betel leaf w hich they, in common with all the other natives of India both men and wo- men, were continually chewing. To the other chains were appended instruments for cleaning teeth and ears, and a pair of pincers with which they removed the thorns that often ran into their naked feet. All these implements were generally used by the members of Hindu castes of India also who were seldom provided with them.

The Italian Missionary Vincent Marie has testified that he was as highly esteemed as a king. It is therefore no wonder that the anxiety of the Jesuits to possess themselves of an office invested with such authority, and so calculated to exalt their order in the estimation of the native princes was very great. As in Japan and Abyssinia, so in India their consummate ambition and intolerance marred their design, and provoked the natives to expel them, before they had become firmly seated in the episcopal chair which they usurped.

One other interesting point connected with the early history of the Syrian Christians is, that they still cherish the tradition of having attained to the dignity of possessing a king of their own at Villayarvattam near Udayampcrur, and that at the death ot the last king without issue the kingdom lapsed to the Cochin royal family. Ever since that time, the Christians of St. Thomas have been loyal subjects of the rulers of Cochin and Travancore. Who the rulers were and how long the kingdom lasted, it is not possible to saw When the Portuguese landed in India, the Syrians, observing their conquests, and their zeal for the propagation of their faith, desired to make alliance with them and offered them with many demonstrations of fidelity the red staff mounted with gold and three silver bells of their last Christian ruler as marks of submission to them; but as they received from them no compensation, they continued the old form of government and lived in great union, scattered as they lived in distant communities all over the land.

With the exception of the Chittur taluk, the Syrian Christians are found all over the Cochin State, in the Ponnani taluk of South Malabar as well as in Travancore. The Syro- Romans are to be found mostly in the interior of the two States whence they have spread in great numbers in a westerly direction towards the sea, their chief centres in the Cochin State being the Cochin-Kanayanur, Trichur, Mukundapuram and Talapilly taluks ; and at Ettumanur, Minachil, Ambalapuzha, Changanassery and other northern taluks in Travancore. The Syrian Jacobites are numerous in the Talapilly and Kanayanur taluks of the former State, as also in Kuttanad and Muvattupuzha of the latter. In their head-quarters in the Kottayam taluk they are three times as numerous as the Syro-Romans. They have their strongest outposts in Tiruvella, Mavelikara, Chenganur, Kartikapilly and Kunnathur and appear to be extending in all directions.The Reformed Syrians are numerous in Chenganur and Tiruvalla. The Syro-Chaldeans live mostly in Trichur, and in the taluks of Changanassery and Shertallay. Syrian Christians belonging to the Anglican, Presbyterian, and Lutheran churches are found in small numbers in Trichur, Ernakulam in the Cochin State, as also in Kottayam in Travancore.
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* Bishop Roccos arrived in Kerala on May 9, 1861. Even though he arrived unlawfully, the real fact was hidden from people. He received a grand reception by Syrian Churches. Very soon majority of the Churches in Kerala stood behind Bishop Roccos. This unlawful Bishop and his companions caused a Schism like situation in the Kerala Church. It is known as ‘Roccos Schism’ in the history and Kuriakose Elias Chavara had qualified it as ‘religious rebellion’ (vedakalapam).Roccos and his companions travelled far and wide in Kerala with the support of Antony Thondanat and others and enjoyed the support of majority of the Churches.

**The Veeraraghava Pattayam is a copper plate inscription issued by Perumbadapu king Veeraraghava Chakravarthi who made Mahodayapuram as his capital after the Kulasekhara kings. It says about "Eravikotharthanaya Cheraman Lokaperum Chetti" of "Makothaipattanam" being given Manikkiramapattam (Manigramam, a village) and some other rights. Makothaipattanam means Mahodayapuram.Dr. Burnal and Dr. Keelhone, based on the "grahanila" (astrological chart) in the plate, estimated the age of the inscription as AD 774 and AD 775 respectively.Godavarma too shared the same view. Considering historic facts and "grahanila", Elamkulam Kunjan Pillai opined that the inscription dated back to 1225.The provinces of Venad, Odanad, Eranad, Valluvanad, Sukapuram and Panniyur are mentioned as witnesses in the pattayam. Also called Syrian-Christian copper plate, the inscription documented the trade rights, monopoly over foreign trade and several other rights accorded to a Christian trader named Eravi Korthan.Historians cite the title as an example for the communal harmony and minority rights ensured by the Kerala kings.

Edited By Ramachandran

Anthropology of Syrian Christians 2:https://hamletram.blogspot.com/2020/06/anthropology-of-syrian-christians-2.html

Anthropology of Syrian Christians 1:https://hamletram.blogspot.com/2020/06/the-introduction-of-christianity-into.html