Showing posts with label James Mill. Show all posts
Showing posts with label James Mill. Show all posts

Friday, 24 February 2023

ELLIS ATTACKS MILL AND THE EUROPEAN MINDSET

He Targetted James Mill

It was not Caldwell, but Francis Whyte Ellis (1777–1819) who classified the Dravidian languages as a separate language family, first. (1) Becoming a writer (junior clerk) in the East India Company's service at Madras in 1796, Ellis scaled heights as an assistant undersecretary, deputy-secretary, and secretary to the board of revenue, till 1802. Four years later, he was appointed judge of Machilipatnam and the collector of land customs in the Madras presidency in 1809, and he became the collector of Madras in 1810. He died at Ramnad mysteriously on 10 March 1819. (2)

Robert Caldwell, who is often credited as the first scholar to propose a separate language family for South Indian languages, acknowledges Ellis's contribution, in  his preface to the first edition of A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian Family of Languages: (3)

"The first to break ground in the field was Mr Ellis, a Madras civilian, who was profoundly versed in the Tamil language and literature, and who interesting but very brief comparison, not of the grammatical forms, but only of some of the vocables of three Dravidian dialects, is contained in his introduction to Campbell's Telugu Grammar."

Ellis first published his notion about the South Indian languages forming a separate language family in a Note to Introduction for his protege Alexandar Duncan Campbell's Telugu Grammar in 1816. (4) 

Alexander Duncan Campbell (1786/1789-1857) was a British (Scottish) Civil Servant in India, who was interested in Telugu. He joined in Madras Civil Service in 1806, was a member of the Board of Superintendence for College of Fort St. George (1816), and became the Collector and Magistrate in Bellary (1821), then in Tanjore (1827), and remained in India at least until 1835, when his son, the future Major-General Alexander C. was born in Madras. Later probably retired, and his will is written in Middlesex. His grammar was written for the young I.C.S. recruits learning Telugu at College Fort St. George.

Ellis

He wrote three books: A Grammar of the Teloogoo Language, Commonly Termed the Gentoo (1816),  A Dictionary of the Teloogoo Language, Commonly Termed the Gentoo, Peculiar to the Hindoos of the North Eastern Provinces of the Indian Peninsula  (1821), and two papers, “On the state of Slavery in Southern India”, MJLS 1, 1834, 243-255; and “On the state of Education of the Natives in Southern India”, MJLS 1, 1834, 350-359.

Ellis was a member of the Madras Literary Society and the founder of the College of Fort St. George at Madras - an institution which had both British and Indian members. (5) Pattabirama Shastri, Muthusami Pillai, Udayagiri Venkatanarayanayya, Chidambara Vadhyar and Syed Abdul Khadar were among the Indian scholars who worked in the college. The college was founded in 1812 and the next year Ellis also helped set up the College Press by supplying it with a printing press and Tamil types. Telugu types, printing ink and labour for the venture was supplied by the Superintendent of Government Press at Egmore. The Madras Government supplied the paper. The press commenced publishing in 1813, and its first work was Constanzo Beschi's (Veeramamunivar) Tamil grammar Kodum Tamil. Before Ellis's death in 1819, the press published a Tamil grammar primer Ilakkana Surukkam, a Tamil translation of Uttara Kandam of Ramayana (both by Chitthambala Desikar), Ellis' own translation and commentary of Thirukkural and five Telugu works - Campbell's grammar (with Ellis' Dravidian Proof), Tales of Vikkirama, a translation of Panchatantra and two more grammars. The press continued publishing books into the 1830s including works in Kannada, Malayalam and Arabic. (6)

Ellis and his friends William Erskine and John Leyden were oriental scholars interested in learning the various aspects of Indian life and publishing works on Indian languages. Ellis maintained a good relationship with the Indians, even adopting their customs and way of dressing. 

Among Ellis's contributions to oriental scholarship are his works on South Indian property ownership, Hindu law, and commentary on Thirukkural. In 1814, he wrote an account of the Mirasi land proprietary system of South India with the help of his Sheristadar (chief of staff), the Indian scholar Shankarayya. (7)

As his reputation for oriental scholarship grew, he was requested by Alexander Johnston to research the origins of a French work titled Ezour Vedam, which was claimed as a translation of a Sanskrit work and a Veda by Jesuits. Ellis proved that the "Vedam" was not a translation but an original work of the Jesuit priest Roberto de Nobili, written in 1621 for converting Hindus to Christianity. His monograph on the Ezour Vedam was published posthumously in the Asiatic Journal in 1822. (8) 

He delivered a series of lectures on Hindu law at the Madras Literary Society, which was published after his death. Enchanted by Tamil poet-saint Tiruvalluvar and his Thirukkural, (9)  translated 18 chapters of the Aratthupaal, one division of Thirukkural dealing with law and virtue, into English in a non-metrical verse. Thirteen chapters were published by the College press during Ellis' lifetime. (10) 

Ellis was also the first scholar to decipher and explain the first century CE "Cochin Grants" given to the Anjuuvannam Jewish community in Cochin. (11) The Jewish copper plates of Cochin, also known as Cochin plates of Bhaskara Ravi-varman, is a royal charter issued by the Chera Perumal king of Kerala, south India to Joseph Rabban, a Jewish merchant magnate of Kodungallur. (12) The charter shows the status and importance of the Jewish colony in Kodungallur (Cranganore) near Cochin on the Malabar Coast. The charter is engraved in Vattezhuthu script with additional Grantha characters in the vernacular of medieval Kerala on three sides of two copper plates -28 lines. (13) It records a grant by king Bhaskara Ravi Varma (Malayalam: Parkaran Iravivanman) to Joseph/Yusuf Rabban (Malayalam: Issuppu Irappan) of the rights of merchant guild Anjuman (Malayalam: anjuvannam) along with several other rights and privileges. (14) Rabban is exempted from all payments made by other settlers in the city of Muyirikkode (at the same time extending to him all the rights of the other settlers). These rights and privileges are given perpetuity to all his descendants. The document is attested by several chieftains from southern and northern Kerala. (15)

Anjuvannam, the old Malayalam form of Hanjamana/Anjuman was a south Indian merchant guild organised by Jewish, Christian, and Islamic merchants from West Asian countries. (16) The document is dated by historians to c. 1000 CE. (17) It is also evident from the tone of the copper plates that the Jews were not newcomers to the Malabar Coast at the time of its decree. (18) The plates are carefully preserved in an iron box, known as the Pandeal, within the Paradesi Synagogue at Mattancherry (Cochin). (19)

In addition to the "Dravidian Proof", Ellis wrote three dissertations - in Tamil, (20) Telugu, and Malayalam. (21)

It has been suggested that Ellis worked with others to promote vaccinations to prevent smallpox. To reduce resistance from Indians, he is thought to have helped craft a Sanskrit verse that was then claimed to have been discovered and described, showing that the European form of vaccination was in fact just a modification of something known in ancient India. The publication of the letter first inserted into the Madras Courier, (22) in 1819 under the pseudonym "Calvi Virumbom" was widely propagated. (23)

When Ellis died in Ramnad, he left some of his papers — philological and political — to Sir Walter Elliot, on whose death they passed to G. U. Pope, who had them placed in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. According to Sir Walter, many of Ellis' unpublished works were lost when they were burned by the cook of the Madurai collector Rous Petrie. (24) Ellis did not publish them earlier because he wanted to do so only after becoming a "ripened scholar at forty years". (25) As an administrator, Ellis was well-liked by his Indian subjects. (26) His grave at Dindigal bears two inscriptions - one in English and the other in Tamil. (27) The English inscription reads:

"Uniting activity of mind with the versatility of genius, he displayed the same ardour and happy sufficiency on whatever his varied talents were employed. Conversant with the Hindoo languages and Literature of the Peninsula, he was loved and esteemed by the Natives of India, with whom he associated intimately. "(28)

While stationed at Madras, Ellis became interested in the history and languages of India   The event which outlined in motion the writing of the "Dravidian Proof" of Ellis, was the report of the Committee of Examination of Junior Civil Servants issued in 1811. The committee, chaired by Ellis, wanted the civil service officers to learn the basic structure of the South Indian languages so that they can function effectively wherever they were stationed in South India. It noted the common features of five South Indian "dialects" - High Tamil, Low Tamil, Malayalam, Telugu and Kannada and recommended the teaching of Tamil as a representative of all five. The College of Fort St. George in Calcutta and its press were given the task of creating grammar and other textbooks for language training. As a part of this effort, Campbell, then the secretary to the Board of Superintendents of the college, prepared a work on Telugu grammar in 1816. Two years before, another work of Telugu grammar had been published by William Carey, an orientalist missionary from Calcutta, at the Serampore press, in which he described Sanskrit as the source of all South Indian languages. In his grammar, Campbell set out to disprove Carey and other Calcutta orientalists like Charles Wilkins and Henry Thomas Colebrooke, proponents of the "all Indian languages are derived from Sanskrit" school of thought. Ellis wrote a note to introduction for Campbell's book in which he offered his "Dravidian Proof". (29)

Ellis' Dravidian Proof is a step-by-step attempt to establish the non-Sanskritic origins of Telugu. Ellis first compared the roots of Sanskrit and Telugu. Parallel columns of the roots were presented to show the difference between the two languages. For Sanskrit, the roots were taken from Dhatupatha and for Telugu, they were taken from a list compiled by Pattabhirama Shastri. In the second step, Ellis used a more complex comparative table of Tamil, Telugu and Kannada roots to show that the languages shared cognate roots. In the third and final step, Ellis used a comparative table of words made from the roots of the three languages to show their relationship as well. Ellis made use of Telugu scholar Mamadi Venkayya's Andhradipaka as a source for different types of Telugu words. In conclusion, Ellis disproved the prevailing theory that though roots and words might be common to South Indian languages, the difference in their idioms was great. He accomplished this by translating the same passages from Sanskrit and English into Tamil, Telugu and Kannada and analysing the sentence structures of the translations. (30)

Jewish copper plate of Cochin

Around 1800, Ellis delivered a lecture on Hindu Law, at the Madras Literary Society: (31) 

He began the speech by attacking the European mindset, as it reflected by East India Company historian, James Mill, who wrote History of British India. Ellis said: "One of the greatest, but not the most obvious defect of human reason, is the incapacity of regarding things from more than one point of view. Enlightened as the European now is, severe as is his reasoning, accurate generally as is his judgment, this is a defect which strongly marks his character, and may even be attributed, perhaps, to that which ought to have corrected it, the extent of his acquirements; for, knowing the value of these, he is well content not to look beyond them, and holds others in contempt, because he has never taken pains duly to appreciate their qualities, and cannot, therefore, he acquainted with the motives which actuate them". 

He attacked Mill, and William Jones, who translated Manusmriti:

"In the eyes of those who are the objects of this contumely, and who are not infrequently actuated by a similar spirit, it has the appearance of envy, a wish to depreciate from the despair of excelling; this however is an inaccurate judgment of it, for it certainly proceeds, concerning the European, simply from that confidence in himself and his attainments which, in great actions, is often overweening, and sometimes degenerates to arrogance and even to insolence. The supercilious spirit proceedings from this mental imperfection led the egoistic Greeks to the use of the word Barbarians (?) which they liberally bestowed on all nations but their own. In this, little worthy of praise as it is, we have not been backwards imitating them, and we now constantly apply the term barbarian to all usage differing from our own, seldom deigning to enquire, provided they are strange, whether they are founded in right reason or not.

"A striking instance of this blot in the escutcheon of our race, nobly emblazoned as it is, is afforded by a recent work which had I then seen it I should have particularly noticed at the commencement of these readings. I allude to Mill's "History of British India". Endowed with great powers of reasoning, and, to judge from the information he has accumulated from a variety of sources with great assiduity of research, the abilities and the usefulness of this writer are neutralised by the supercilious contempt he invariably manifests towards everything for which he cannot find a criterion in his own mind, or which he cannot reconcile to some customary standard of thought.

"He has subjected the Hindu system to a comparison with an abstract standard of his own erection, and, as might have been expected, has condemned it as being found wanting. It is possible that his ideas of perfection are not the most correct, but admitting them to be such, the comparison is not fair. No work of man can be or is expected to be absolute, though it may be relatively perfect; and this process, therefore, is more tyrannical than the bed of Procrustes. But let the legal system of the Hindu be compared, as we have compared some parts of it, and as in justice it ought to be, not with the theories or it may be with the reveries of ultraperfectionists, but with the practical codes of other nations, and it will not be found wanting. It is to this comparison I should challenge Mr Mill... There are no doubt many points in the Hindu law which, to the preconception of a European, appear exceptionable; many there are also, for its authors were men, that are really so, and for which better provisions have been made by other legislators ancient and modern, but where is the code to which similar imperfection may not be imputed. To our own, we are attached from habit, and prepossession, therefore, makes us overlook many that perhaps exist, and we endure many that are apparent for the sake of the whole. Mr Mill's microscopic eye, however, overlooks none of them, for he seems to entertain at least as bad an opinion of the English as of the Hindu Law."

Then, Willis went on to deduce from Mill's Indian history, a few instances of the short-sightedness of mill's mind, and of the wide distance nature he has interposed between fact and speculation.

First Instance: A contemplation of the Hindu government.  As the powers of government consist (ie, according to European notions) of three great branches, the legislature, the judiciary and the administrative, it is requisite to enquire in what hands these several powers are deposited, and by what circumstances their exercise is controlled and modified. As the Hindu believes that a complete and perfect system of instruction which admits of no addition or change, was conveyed to him from the beginning by the divine being for the regulation of his public as well as private affairs, he acknowledges no laws but those which are contained in the sacred books. From this, it is evident that the only scope which remains for legislation is confined within the limits of the interpretations which may be given to the holy text. 

"The Brahmans however enjoy the undisputed prerogative of interpreting the divine oracles, for though it is allowed to the two classes in the degree to give advice to the king in the administration of justice, they must, in no case, presume to depart from the sense which it has pleased the Brahmans to impart upon the sacred text. The power of legislation therefore exclusively belongs to the priesthood. The exclusive right also of interpreting the laws necessarily confers upon them in the same unlimited manner as the judicial powers of government. The king, though the ostensibly supreme judge, is commanded always to employ Brahmans as councillors and assistants in the administration of justice, and whatever construction they put upon the law, to that his sentence must conform. A decision of the king contrary to the opinion of the Brahmans would be absolutely void; the members of his own family would refuse its obedience. Whenever the king in person discharges not the office of judge, it is a Brahman, if possible who must occupy his place; the king, therefore, is no far from possessing the judicative power, that he is rather the executive officer by whom the decisions of the Brahmans are carried into effect.

Ellis said the interpretation of exemption to Brahmans from capital punishment in Hindu law, by   Europeans is founded on a misconception. Ellis recorded that this is one of the innumerable misconceptions of their situation in Hindu society which has been obtained among foreign nations from the earliest times. He explained:

"Not the least gross of these is that which ascribes to the whole body a sacerdotal character, and which Sir William Jones has unaccountably countenanced by translating in the institutes of Manu the words used to designate an individual of the fist caste Brahmanah and Viprah, priest, and the feminine of them Brahmin and Vipra, priestess; the latter mistake is particularly remarkable, as the wives of Brahmans, though they assist in the private devotion of their family, not only never officiate as priestesses, but have no part in the public ceremonies of religion, except as spectators. The truth is, the first caste of Hindus, though from their birth eligible to the priesthood, are not priests ipso facto; the conduct of religious ceremonies, though the first, is only one of their many duties; they are also professionally, the savants or men of letters, to whom the interests of science and literature are committed in all its branches; the hereditary teachers of the other classes, both in sacred and profane learning and especially, the lawyers. To these different occupations and their subordinate divisions they applied themselves as to so many distinct professions the respective members of which never interfered with each other, any more than our divines do with our physicians, or either of them with our jurists. And hence has proceeded the several distinctions actually obtaining among the Brahmans in southern India: there are first Vaidica Brahmana sub-divided into Sastrias, men of science; Acharya, teachers; and Pujarie, priests; the two formers of these may perform the higher offices of religion in the solemn sacrifices &c. or act as Purohita, domestic chaplains etc. but the last only conduct the public worship in the temples, and are considered an inferior class. Secondly, Lougica or Niyogi Brahmana, secular Brahmanas, gain their livelihood through the several worldly occupations permitted to the caste. These distinctions now become hereditary, but as this, if founded solely on custom, and not on law, the restriction is more nominal than real as any Niyogi family may become Vaidica if the head of it qualifies himself by the study of the sciences, and vice Versa any Vaidica may betake himself to worldly pursuits, sinking thereby perhaps in the estimation of his fellows, but not forfeiting his privileges and distinctions as a Brahman."

After delineating the various courts provided for the administration of justice by the Hindu laws, the respective jurisdiction of these courts and the precision with which the powers of the king or presiding magistrate and the assessors or judges are distinguished, Ellis turns to another passage in Mill's work, to show a second instance of misconception about Hindus. Ellis continues:

"After the care of protecting the nations from foreign aggression or from internal tumult, the distribution of justice was the next duty of the king. In the first stage of society, the leader in war is also the judge in peace, and the legal and judicial functions are united in the same person. Various circumstances tend to produce this arrangement. In the first place, there are hardly any laws; and he alone is entitled to judge who is entitled to legislate since he must make a law for every occasion; in the next place, rude people, unused to obedience would hardly respect inferior authority. In the third place, the business of judicature is so badly performed as to interrupt but little the business or pleasures of the king, and a decision is rather an exercise of arbitrary will and power, than the result of an accurate investigation. In the fourth place, the people are so accustomed to terminating their own disputes, by their own cunning or force, that the number of applications for judicature is comparatively small. As society advances, a set of circumstances, opposite to them, are gradually introduced; laws are made which the judge has nothing to do but apply, the people learn the advantage of submitting to inferior authority, a more accurate administration of justice is demanded, and cannot be performed without a great application both of attention and of time; the people learn that it is for the good of the community that they should not terminate and that they should not be allowed to terminate either by force or fraud, their own disputes. The administration of justice becomes then too laborious to be either agreeable to the king or consistent with the other services which he is expected to render and the exercise of judicature becomes a separate employment, the exclusive function of a particular order of men.

James Mill

"To this pitch of civilisation, the Hindu had not attained. The administration of justice by the King in person stands in the sacred books as a leading principle of their jurisprudence, and the revolution of ages has introduced no change in the primaeval process."

The text of Brihaspati, as quoted in the Madhavaviyam, respects the four superior courts, the authorities there cited relative to the fifteen inferior courts of the Hindus. Legal definitions are also there. "These", Ellis says, "are to be sought in the Siddhanta of the Digests and commentators, where it is as perfect as human reason can make them. Mr Mill, ignorant of this, and careless as ignorant, ventures on this subject".

Then, Ellis exposes the third instance of dishonesty in Mill:

"Concerning definitions, the Hindu Law is in a state which requires a few words of elucidation. Before the art of writing, laws can have little accuracy of definition; because, when words are not written, they are seldom exactly remembered; and a definition whose words are constantly varying is not, for the purpose of the law, a definition at all. Notwithstanding the necessity of writing to produce fixed and accurate definitions in law, the nations of modern Europe have allowed a great proportion of their laws to continue in the unwritten, that is, the traditionary state, the state in which they lay before the art of writing was known. Of these nations, none have kept in that barbarous condition so great a proportion of their law as the English. From the opinion of the Hindus that the Divine Being dictated all their laws, they acknowledge nothing as law but what is found in some one or other of their sacred books. In one sense, therefore, all their laws are written. But as the passages which can be collected from these books leave many parts of the field of law untouched, in these parts the defect must be supplied either by custom or the momentary will of the judges. 

"Again, as the passages which are collected from these books, even where they touch upon parts of the field of law, do so in expressions to the highest degree vague and indeterminate, they commonly admit of any of several meanings and very frequently are contradicted and opposed by one another. When the words in which laws are couched are, to a certain degree, imperfect, it makes but little difference whether they are written or not; adhering to the same words is without advantage when these words secure no sameness in the things which they are made to signify. Further, in modern Europe, the uncertainty adhering to all unwritten laws, that is, laws the words of which have no certainty, is to some degree, though still a very imperfect one, circumscribed and limited, by the writing down of decisions. When, on any particular part of the field, several judges have all, with public approbation, decided in one way; and when these decisions are recorded and made known, the judge who comes after them has strong motives, both of fear and hope, not to depart from their example. The degree of certainty, arising from the regard for uniformity, which may thus be produced, is, from its very nature, infinitely inferior to that which is the necessary result of good definitions rendered unalterable by writing; but such as it is, the Hindus are entirely deprived of it. Among them, the strength of the human mind has never been sufficient to recommend effectually the preservation, by writing, of the memory of judicial decisions. It has never been sufficient to create such public regard for uniformity, as to constitute a material motive to a judge; and as kings, and their great deputies, exercised the principal functions of judicature, they were too powerful to be restrained by a regard to what others had done before them. What judicature would pronounce was, therefore, almost always uncertain, almost always arbitrary."

Ellis correctly points out that the Institutes of Manu, in the actual administration of Hindu jurisprudence, especially in later times, had never ranked higher than a mere textbook, which the Indian jurists considered of little authority unless accompanied by some commentary, or incorporated into some Digest. Then Ellis points out:

"The definitions of the Hindu Law are not to seek in the textbooks from which chiefly Mr Mill would seem to have derived his notion of them, his references in this part of his work being confined to Manu and "Halhead's Gentoo Code", which is scarcely anything more than a collection of texts. These it may be conceded to him leave many parts of the field of law untouched, "which however, are neither supplied by customs nor the momentary will of the judge" but by the conclusions or decisions of a succession of writers, ancient and modern, belonging to various schools as deduced, not from the ordinances only, but the principles of the textbooks, by reasoning, and which varied by the tenets of their respective schools, have become the actual definitions of practical law. Further, Mr Mill prefers written definition to the concurrent authority of previous decisions, the degree of certainty concerning them being, he says, infinitely inferior to that which is the necessary result of good definition rendered unalterable by writing; and he adds, "but such as it is, the Hindus are entirely deprived of it. Among them, the strength of the human mind has never been sufficient to recommend effectually the preservation by the writing of the memory of judicial decisions. 

"Indeed, the Hindus do not at present possess the advantage of the record of previous judicial decisions, nor is this to be wondered at, for, admitting it to be possible that the operation of the courts in Westminster Hall was suspended for two centuries what, notwithstanding all that has been written on the subject, would become of the nicer distinctions and minuter definitions, now well known and observed in practice, but which are to be found in the head of the sound lawyer, rather than in any written record? What would really become of them may be inferred from the doubts and difficulties that attended the proceedings when the obsolete mode of trial by judicial combat was lately about to be restored in the appeal of murder against Richard Ashton. But though the Hindus have not now the advantage of recorded judicial decisions, they must, in a certain degree have had it when their courts were in full operation; and with them, as with us, it must in many respects have from its nature been oral rather than written; and they actually have that to which the author states this to be infinitely inferior, they have "good definitions rendered unalterable by writing." 

Ellis then declares that there are innumerable instances in Hindu laws that prove his position. This means the kinds of James Mill and Colebrooke were ignorant manipulators.


___________________________

1. Trautmann, Thomas. R. (2006). Languages and nations: the Dravidian proof in colonial Madras. Yoda Press, pp 75-76
2. The Dictionary of National Biography mentions Cholera as the cause of his death. But Trautmann writes he died of accidental self-poisoning.(Trautmann 2006, p. 76). An obituary published in the London Literary Gazette and Journal in 1820 says "a fatal accident terminated his life."
3. Trautmann 2006, p. 74
4. Blackburn, Stuart (2006). Print, folklore, and nationalism in colonial South India. Orient Blackswan. pp. 92–95.
5. Trautmann 2006p. 73
6. Blackburn, Stuart (2006). Print, folklore, and nationalism in colonial South India. Orient Blackswan. pp. 92–95
7. Trautmann, Thomas. R. (2006). Languages and nations: the Dravidian proof in colonial Madras. Yoda Press, pp 151-170
8. Rocher, Ludo (1984). Ezourvedam: a French Veda of the eighteenth century. John Benjamins Publishing Company. pp. 18–20
9. A stone inscription found on the walls of a well at the Periya Palayathamman temple at Royapettai indicates Ellis' regard for Thiruvalluvar. It is one of the 27 wells dug on the orders of Ellis in 1818 when Madras suffered a severe drinking water shortage. In the long inscription, Ellis praises Thiruvalluvar and uses a couplet from Thirukkural to explain his actions during the drought. When he was in charge of the Madras treasury and mint, he also issued a gold coin bearing Thiruvalluvar's image. The Tamil inscription on his grave makes note of his commentary on Thirukkural.Mahadevan, Iravatham. "The Golden coin depicting Thiruvalluvar -2". Varalaaru.com (in Tamil).
10.  Zvelebil, Kamil (1992). Companion studies to the history of Tamil literature. Brill. p. 3.
11. Narayanan, M. G. S., "Further Studies in the Jewish Copper Plates of Cochin." Indian Historical Review, Vol. 29, no. 1–2, Jan. 2002, pp. 66–76.
12. Noburu Karashmia (ed.), A Concise History of South India: Issues and Interpretations. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2014. 136, 144. Narayanan, M. G. S. (2013), Perumāḷs of Kerala. Thrissur (Kerala): CosmoBooks, pp 451-52
13.Fischel, Walter J. (1967). "The Exploration of the Jewish Antiquities of Cochin on the Malabar Coast". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 87 (3): 230–248
14.Narayanan, M. G. S., "Further Studies in the Jewish Copper Plates of Cochin." Indian Historical Review, Vol. 29, no. 1–2, Jan. 2002, pp. 66–76.
15. ibid
16. Noburu Karashmia (ed.), A Concise History of South India: Issues and Interpretations. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2014. p. 139
17. ibid, 146-47
18. M.G.S. Narayanan (2002), Further Studies in the Jewish Copper Plates of Cochin, Indian Historical Review, Volume XXIX, Number 1-2 (January and July 2002), pp. 67–68
19. Fischel, Walter J. (1967). "The Exploration of the Jewish Antiquities of Cochin on the Malabar Coast". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 87 (3): 230–248.
20. Burnell, Arthur Coke (2008). Elements of South-Indian Palabography. BiblioBazaar. p. 35.
21. Trautmann 2006, p. 156
22.  Mahadevan, Iravatham. "The Golden coin depicting Thiruvalluvar -2". Varalaaru.com (in Tamil)
23. Wujastyk, Dominik (1987). "A pious fraud: the Indian claims for pre-Jennerian smallpox vaccination.". In G J Meulenbeld; D Wujastyk (eds.). Studies on Indian medical history. Groningen: Egbert Forsten. pp. 131–167
24. Trautmann 2006, pp. 80–81
25. The Asiatic journal and monthly register for British and Foreign India, China, and Australia Vol 26. Parbury, Allen, and Co. 1828. p. 155.
26.  The London literary gazette and journal of belles lettres, arts, sciences, etc. The London Literary Gazette. 1820. pp. 12.
27.  Mahadevan, Iravatham. "The Golden coin depicting Thiruvalluvar -2". Varalaaru.com (in Tamil).
28. Burnell, Arthur Coke (2008). Elements of South-Indian Palabography. BiblioBazaar. p. 35
29. Trautmann 2006, pp. 151–170
30. ibid
31. From Lecture on Hindu Law by Francis W Ellis Esq. IOR: MSS European D 31: Indian Jurisprudence and Revenue, Dharampal, compiled, Sanskrit and Christianization and Ellis on Hindu Law, Ashram Prathishtan, Sevagram, 2000, pp 30-36



© Ramachandran 

Monday, 13 February 2023

THE MARCH OF BHAGAVAD GITA IN THE WEST

Charles Wilkins and His English Gita


Walt Whitman, the great American contemporary of Max Muller, never set foot in the sacred soil of India. But when Whitman died, a translation of the Bhagavad Gita was found lying under his pillow. (1)

In 1866, the transatlantic undersea cable was laid, linking the United States with England for telegraphic communication. In 1869 the Union Pacific and Central Pacific lines were joined in Utah with a golden spike to complete the transcontinental railway across North America. The same year, the Suez canal was opened. In 1871, Walt Whitman celebrated this human conquest in his poem, Passage to India. (2)

Why India? In Whitman’s vision, the great fables and spiritual truths are embodied in India. He hoped that the great modern feats will bring the ancient worlds into his modern American world, or enable his embodied soul to journey back to ancient India. Whitman suggested that these great unifications of space and time are God’s plan: 
Passage O soul to India!

Eclaircise the myths Asiatic, the primitive fables.

Not you alone, proud truths of the world
Nor you alone, ye facts of modern science,
But myths and fables of eld, Asia’s, Africa’s fables
The far-darting beams of the spirit, the unloos’d dreams,
The deep diving bibles and legends,
The daring plots of the poets, the elder religions;
O you temples fairer than lilies, pour’d over by the rising sun!

Passage to India!
Lo, soul, seest thou not God’s purpose from the first?
The earth to be spann’d connected by network,
The races, neighbors, to marry and be given in marriage,
The oceans to be cross’d, the distant brought near,
The lands to be welded together.

Whitman

Whitman did not mention the Bhagavad Gita by name in Passage to India, but it was one of the "Asian bibles" that he had in mind. He recorded that in preparation for composing Leaves of Grass, he read “the ancient Hindoo poems,” and when the first edition of Leaves was published, Ralph Waldo Emerson commented that it read like “a mixture of the Bhagavad Gita and the New York Herald.” 

The Bhagavad Gita was already in New York, for Whitman, well before the 1860s.

First translated into English in 1785, the Bhagavad Gita gained the title, the “Hindu Bible,” and figured prominently in European discourse about Hinduism. In a period of European expansionism, Gita frequently took on a contemporary political valence.

The globalizing processes that brought the Gita to Europe and the United States at the end of the eighteenth century also brought living Hindu teachers by the end of the nineteenth. Starting with Swami Vivekananda’s appearance in Chicago at the World’s Parliament of Religions in 1893, Indian gurus preached to Western audiences about Hinduism, adopting the Bhagavad Gita as their main text. 

For the young Whitman, in the 1840s and 1850s, there were several translations of ancient Hindu poems available in the Astor Library (a precursor of the New York Public Library). Among them was the English translation of the Bhagavad Gita by Charles Wilkins, published in London in 1785. The Gita was the first work of classical Sanskrit translated directly into English, and its appearance opened a stream of texts from ancient India onto the intellectual shores of Europe, including the Hitopadesha (1787), Shakuntala (1789), Gita Govinda (1792), and the Laws of Manu (1794). 

These works caused a sensation in Europe, and also created waves across the Atlantic to make a powerful impact on Americans like Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau, and Whitman. But Wilkins’s work depended on the establishment of British colonial rule in eastern India, which brought the young Wilkins into contact with learned Indian Brahmins.

A 21-year-old Wilkins sailed from England to Calcutta in 1770, to take up an appointment with the East India Company as a Printer and “writer” or junior clerk. (3)

Born in Somerset, Charles Wilkins (1749 – 1836), the English typographer and supervised Panchanan Karmakar to create one of the first Bengali typefaces. (4) In 1784, Wilkins helped William Jones establish the Asiatic Society of Bengal.  He stayed in India for 16 years (1770–1786). 

Trained as a printer and reaching India, he created the first type for printing Bengali. (5) He published the first typeset book in the language and designed types for Persian. In 1781, he was appointed as a translator of Persian and Bengali to the Commissioner of Revenue and as superintendent of the Company's press. He translated a royal inscription in Kutila characters, which were hitherto indecipherable. Inscriptions of the 6th century CE Brahmi script were deciphered in 1785 by Wilkins, publishing a translation of the Gopika Cave Inscription written by the Maukhari king Anantavarman. (6)

Political Gita

In 1772, Warren Hastings was appointed as the new governor-general for Bengal, assigned with reforming corrupt Company practices. After arriving in Calcutta, he recommended that the British should seek to govern the territories under its control, according to the local laws and customs. 

Hastings’s proposal was the founding of Indology, for it led the British administrators of Bengal to the study of Sanskrit. The administrators were informed that the laws of the Hindu population were contained in codebooks called Dharmashastras, in Sanskrit and promoted by Brahmin scholars or “pundits.” Hastings persuaded the local pundits of Bengal to collaborate with British Company officials in compiling and translating the legal codes. The decision of some pundits to cooperate with the British opened the way for a few Englishmen to study Sanskrit.

Wilkins proved to be the most adept in his pursuit of Sanskrit. Around 1778, he later recalled, “my curiosity was excited by the example of my friend, Mr Halhed [Nathaniel Brassey Halhed, who had tried unsuccessfully to learn Sanskrit], to commence the study of Sanskrit. I was so fortunate as to find a Pandit of a liberal mind, sufficiently learned to assist me in the pursuit.” (7)

By 1783, Wilkins made enough progress in his Sanskrit studies to begin translating the epic Mahabharata. He requested a leave of absence from his administrative duties in Calcutta, on health grounds, to travel to Benares, the centre of traditional Hindu learning. Wilkins was “Sanskrit-mad,” as the Indologist Henry Thomas Colebrooke later described his affliction. With Hastings’s support, the Company granted the leave, and in early 1784 Wilkins relocated to Benares. There he met and worked with the pundit Kashinatha Bhattacharya. (8)

There were no Sanskrit-English dictionaries or grammar in any European language. Kashinatha himself compiled two such fundamental works for his British patrons Wilkins and William Jones: a list of Sanskrit verb roots and a ten-thousand-word vocabulary. Wilkins’s choice to translate the Bhagavad Gita of the Mahabharata reflects the value that his Brahmin pundits placed on the work. “The Brahmans esteem this work to contain all the grand mysteries of their religion,” wrote Wilkins in his preface. 

“Translation is treason,” goes the adage, and no translation is transparent. 

Wilkins made no attempt to reproduce the metrical verse, of the Sanskrit Gita in his translation. He rendered it in prose dialogue, though with enough King Jamesian “thees” and “thous” to suggest a bible-like authority. He recognized that his translation will not be entirely clear to English readers. He blamed this on what he saw as the obscurity of the original.

Wilkins

It was the translator’s duty to remove as much of this obscurity as his knowledge would permit. This Wilkins has attempted in his Notes, but as he is conscious they are still the text is but imperfectly understood by the most learned Brahmans of the present; and that, small as the work may appear, it has more comments than the Revelations. (9)

More interesting is Wilkins’s judgment of the broader significance of the Bhagavad Gita. He does not give any indication that he might see the application of Krishna’s teachings to his own life, as medieval Indian commentators had. Rather, Wilkins locates the intention of the author as one of religious reform within Hinduism.

It seems as if the principal design of the Gita was to unite the prevailing modes of worship; the design was to induce men to believe God was present in every image before which they bent, and the object of all their ceremonies and sacrifices. (10)

He viewed the Gita as a historical document, valuable for the insight that it may yield about the early development of the Hindu religion. This in turn may help his compatriots in understanding contemporary Hindu beliefs and practices, as part of a larger British project to comprehend the practices of their new colonial subjects, in order better to rule them. As William Jones, his fellow Orientalist, put it, “[Those who wish to] form a correct idea of Indian religion and literature” should start by forgetting “all that has been written on the subject, by ancients or moderns, before the publication of the Gita.” (11)

In October 1784 Hastings visited Benares on political business, and Wilkins showed him the Gita translation. Hastings was delighted. As he wrote in a letter to his wife, “My friend Wilkins has lately made me a present of a most wonderful work of antiquity, and I am going to present it to the public.” (12) By “public” Hastings meant the British public. He sent the manuscript by ship from Calcutta to London with a lengthy letter of recommendation addressed to his superior, Nathaniel Smith, chair of the East India Company board of directors. 

Hastings proposed that the Company publish this “specimen of the Literature, the Mythology, and Morality of the ancient Hindoos.” To justify publication to the Company directors, Hastings argued that such learning held great value for the exercise of British colonial rule. “Every accumulation of knowledge,” he wrote, “and especially such as is obtained by social communication with people over whom we exercise a dominion founded on the right of conquest, is useful to the state.” (13) For Hastings and the East India Company, the translation of the Bhagavad Gita was a political act.

In May 1785, the work was printed under the title The Bhagavat-Geeta, or Dialogues of Kreeshna and Arjoon; in Eighteen Lectures, with Notes, translated from the Sanskrit by Wilkins. There is no mention of Kashinatha in the publication. In the “advertisement” that followed the title page of the book, the work is set forward, as “one of the greatest curiosities ever presented to the literary world.” 

From the first appearance of Wilkins’s rendering of the Bhagavad Gita, followed by other seminal translations from Sanskrit, European savants looked to these ancient works with avid excitement. Wilkins’s translation was quickly rendered into Russian and French, and a few years later into German. It was the time when the romantic movement was taking form in Europe, and an exuberant image of India would hold an important position in the romantic sensibility.

The most enthusiastic reception took place in Germany. (14) Even before any Sanskrit works had appeared in Europe, the theologian Johann Gottfried Herder was portraying India as the cradle of civilization. Of the four ages of humankind, Herder speculated, the “childhood” of the human race took place in Asia, and he postulated that the inception of human culture must have occurred near the Ganges River.

Inspired by Herder, the poet Novalis located the Garden of Eden somewhere in the Himalayas. India’s language was more ancient, its mythology was older than any other, and wisdom itself seemed to have arisen on the Indian subcontinent.  Friedrich von Schlegel proclaimed to his friend Ludwig Tieck, “Here is the actual source of all languages, all the thoughts and poems of the human spirit; everything, yes, everything without exception has its origin in India.” (15) 

All these metaphors situated India, as the site of the primordial, in contrast to the European modern. For the German romantics, the primordial held a compelling promise. They valued it as natural and pure, as opposed to the fractured and disenchanted reality of their contemporary European culture. In this reverse teleology, true perfection lay at the very infancy of human culture. The original state of things could offer a critical perspective toward the present, an antidote to European traditions that these romantics viewed as moribund.

As it travelled from Benares to Calcutta to London to Germany, Wilkins’s translation of the Bhagavad Gita landed in an intellectual field that was richly prepared for this old Indian gem. If the first stage of the human career took place in India, then Sanskrit works like the Gita could open a window into this ancient spiritual purity. The first incarnations of the Bhagavad Gita in the German language were secondary translations derived from Wilkins’s English version. Herder translated portions of the poem, along with two other Indian texts, in his Zerstreute Blätter (Scattered Leaves) of 1792. This Sanskrit works confirmed his great enthusiasm for all things Indian. But in rendering Gita’s thoughts, Herder extracted them from their textual setting and resituated them, along with excerpts from translations of the Hitopadesha and Bharthruhari’s poetry, as epigrams in a topical scheme of his own devising.

The Gita, Herder declared, presents the tremendous unitary premise of pantheism: One in all, and all into One. All humans are quickened by the one World Spirit, and we should use our brief period of life to its best effect through reflection and conscientious actions. Humans ought to be led by reason, not by delusion or aversion. Truth, not error, should govern humanity. In contrast to Wilkins, Herder is not concerned with the history of Hinduism. Rather, in his view, Krishna speaks from the dawn of human culture to address perennial human concerns.

One of Herder’s followers, Friedrich Maier, rendered the entire Bhagavad Gita from Wilkins’s translation into German in 1802. While Maier located the Gita as one of the earliest expressions of the Hindu intellect, he also pointed to the analogies between many of its ideas and those of Plato, Benedict de Spinoza, and the Christian mystic Jacob Boehme. Other early European readers of the Gita similarly observed that the ancient Indian poet seemed to have anticipated and first articulated many tenets found in later Western philosophical or theological traditions. The French translator Jean-Denis Lanjuinais saw many such parallels. “It was a great surprise,” he remarked, “to find among these fragments of an extremely ancient epic poem from India, along with the system of metempsychosis, a brilliant theory on the existence of God and the immortality of the soul, all the sublime doctrines of the Stoics, the pure love which bewildered Fénelon, a completely spiritual pantheism, and finally the vision of all-in-God upheld by Malebranche.” (16) If India was the birthplace of human civilization, as the early romantic vision had it, then the Bhagavad Gita as one of its earliest written expressions could serve as the original wisdom book.

“We must seek the supreme romanticism in the Orient,” declared Friedrich Schlegel in 1800. Fired by his passion to discover a source of human wisdom that could restore European culture, Schlegel took up the study of Sanskrit in 1802. He was the first Westerner to learn Sanskrit without travelling to India. His pundit was a retired British army officer and Orientalist, Alexander Hamilton, who had studied the language during his service in Calcutta. Hamilton was now in Paris cataloguing the collection of Indian manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Nationale. At the time, Scotsman Hamilton was the only person in continental Europe who knew Sanskrit, and he generously aided Schlegel. (17)

By 1808 Schlegel issued the conclusions of his Indological studies, Ueber die Sprache und Weisheit der Indier: Ein Beitrag zur Begrûndung der Alterthumskunde(On the Language and wisdom of the Indians: A Contribution to the Foundation of Antiquity), a lengthy comparative study of Indian language and philosophy. As an appendix to his book, he included direct translations from Sanskrit into German of extracts from the Bhagavad Gita and other important classical Indic texts. 

In his preface, Schlegel honours Wilkins, Jones, Hamilton, and other pioneers in the Western study of the Orient, and envisions the immense role such research can play in reinvigorating European thought:

"The study of Indian literature requires to be embraced by such students and patrons as in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries suddenly kindled in Italy and Germany an ardent appreciation of the beauty of classical learning, and in so short a time invested it with such prevailing importance, that the form of all wisdom and science, and most of the world itself, was changed and renovated by the influence of that re-awakened knowledge. I venture to predict that the Indian study if embraced with equal energy, will prove no less grand and universal in its operation, and have no less influence on the sphere of European intelligence." (18)

Just as the rediscovery of Greek and Latin classics had provoked a renaissance in European intellectual life, so Schlegel predicts the study of Indian classics can catalyze a second and more profound rebirth—an “Oriental renaissance,” as it would be later termed by Edgar Quinet and Raymond Schwab.

Expanding on the suggestions of Nathaniel Halhed, Jones, and others as to the lexical parallels between Sanskrit and other languages, Schlegel examined the grammatical systems of Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, Persian, and German, and demonstrated striking similarities among them. His linguistic work would inspire others like Franz Bopp, who went on to establish the discipline of historical philology, one of the seminal intellectual fields of the nineteenth century. Schlegel's study of Indian languages also inspired his older brother, August Wilhelm von Schlegel, to move to Paris and study Sanskrit.

In the appendix to Sprache und Weisheit, Schlegel rendered about one-fifth of the Gita in metrical German. The pattern of his selections and omissions is significant. Schlegel avoids Krishna’s instructions to Arjuna about work and duty and also omits the teachings pertaining to the yoga of devotion. Much of the battlefield landscape drops out, as does Arjuna’s vision of Krishna in his all-encompassing form. Instead, Schlegel highlights passages concerning the intellectual concept of the godhead and the human quest to find union with the divine. Schlegel’s abbreviated Gita is focused on a jnana yoga interpretation.

But Schlegel’s own initial enthusiasm for ancient Indian literature as a direct source of wisdom waned over the course of his studies. He joined the Catholic Church in 1808, the same year that Sprache und Weisheit was published. We do not know whether any colonial power centre was behind his re-conversion. From then on, he did not pursue any further studies of Sanskrit or Indian philosophy.

Hegel

Within his newfound Catholicism, Schlegel had to find a way to locate the "lesser wisdom" of Indian works like the Gita. The earliest Indians, he proclaimed, had possessed knowledge of the true God. A primordial “glance” of revelation had fallen on India. In the course of time, however, this original wisdom had been overlaid with “a fearful and horrible superstition.” Thus Indian religious thought followed a downward trajectory: the initial diffusion of the pure revelation degenerated in the direction of idolatry, astrology, and other Hindu abominations. In an early text like the Bhagavad Gita, Schlegel believed, glimmers of that ancient light of divine wisdom still could be glimpsed amid the unwieldy growth of "erroneous" mythology that had come to constitute Hinduism. The virtue of the Gita resulted from its antiquity along with its proximity to an original revelation, and Schlegel’s selective translation highlighted the remnants of that divine manifestation. Yet unlike Hinduism, Catholicism had managed to preserve this revelation in its true form, he imagined.

Several divergent pathways proceeded from his studies of 1808, and it marks a significant moment of transition in the European study of the Bhagavad Gita and other classical Sanskrit works.  The romantic impulse with which Schlegel commenced his Sanskrit study continued, despite his own disappointed abdication. It took on a lively new incarnation across the Atlantic among the postcolonial transcendentalists in the United States like Emerson, Thoreau, Bronson Alcott (all enthusiastic readers of Wilkins’s translation of the Gita), and Whitman. Thoreau took a borrowed copy of the Wilkins Gita with him to Walden Pond, where he imagined himself communing with a Brahmin priest on the Ganges as he sat reading at the pond bank. (19)

The nineteenth-century scientific study of Sanskrit and ancient Indian literature, in which German savants like Bopp and Schlegel's brother Wilhelm excelled, developed from Schlegel’s comparative linguistic work and pioneering efforts at translation. In 1818, Wilhelm became the first academic professor of Sanskrit in Germany, at the University of Bonn. In 1823, he published his complete translation of the Gita, not into German, but into Latin, to give the old text the aura of a "proper" classic. Between 1800 and 1823, the “supreme romanticism” that inspired the younger Friedrich had been supplanted by a new disciplinary ethos of Indology. India's ancient literature offers scholars a new object for philological research.

Colonial Gita

Schlegel pioneered the kind of critical reading that nineteenth-century Christians and missionaries working in India would give to Gita: find the “good parts” that adhere to Christian doctrine and dismiss the remainder as superstition. (20) This fitted with a broader colonial and Christian narrative of India’s "historical degeneration", which would take firm root, especially in British and Marxist colonial discourse, as we see in the 33 articles written by Karl Marx in the New York Daily Tribune.

Thus, some readings are less innocent than others. In late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Britain, those who read the Bhagavad Gita did so in a political context. The political issue was how the British were best to govern the new colonial territories on the subcontinent by conquest. The Bhagavad Gita and other works translated from Sanskrit were taken as evidence for forming a British perspective about India.

Warren Hastings and others in his circle believed that British engagement in learning about India would aid the colonial enterprise by conciliating differences between rulers and ruled. So, he wrote to the Company chair, advocating the publication of the Gita translation:

"It is not very long since the inhabitants of India were considered by many [in England], as creatures scarce elevated above the degree of savage life; nor, I fear, is that prejudice yet wholly eradicated, though surely abated. Every instance which brings their real character home to observation will impress us with a more generous sense of feeling for their natural rights, and teach us to estimate them by the measure of our own. But such instances can only be obtained in their writings: and these will survive when the British dominion in India shall have long ceased to exist, and when the sources which it once yielded of wealth and power are lost to remembrance." (21)

It was the British attitude toward India that needed to change, according to Hastings, to wriggle out the differences between the two peoples. He argued that reading the Gita would help the British public overcome its prejudice about Indian savagery,  Hastings closed with a prescient estimation of the relative duration of British rule and the life of Indian writings like the Bhagavad Gita.

Hastings’s generous strategy generated fierce opposition. The most vicious attacks came from two quarters. Evangelist Christians like Charles Grant and utilitarians like James Mill found a common cause in opposing the Indian orientation. Both emphasized a profound difference between Indian and British societies on an evolutionary “scale of civilization.” In the estimations of Grant and Mill, Indian society was scarcely elevated above savagery.  They argued that the cause of Indian backwardness was not racial but cultural. Indians had been oppressed by their own political and religious despotism. Therefore, the task for the British in India was “assimilation.” They said, assimilation was not required of the British, as Hastings had suggested; it was up to Indians to become more like the British. A transformation of Indian society was needed. On the instruments of transformation, Evangelists advocated a greater role for Christian missionary activity, while utilitarians wanted a secular process of modernization. While both Grant and Mill had influential positions within the East India Company, Mill exerted his influence on British colonial rule with his magnum opus, the History of British India, published in 1818. (22)

Mill, a 32-year-old freelance journalist from Scotland living in London, was struggling to support a growing household of nine children when he began work on his History of British India in 1806. Mill undertook a three-volume historical monograph that would take twelve years to write. He lacked experience living in India and had no training in any Indian language. Nevertheless, when History appeared in 1818, it was a financial success, and the earnings helped sustain his family. The book established Mill as an authority in India, and he won a position with the East India Company in 1819, which he kept for the remainder of his career.

Mill calls his History a “critical history,” by which he means a “judging history.” In the preface he likens himself to a courtroom judge, sifting all the written evidence. He wishes to evaluate the civilizations of the “Hindoos” and “Mahomedans” over which the British have acquired dominion. The items of evidence presented in Mill’s court are the classical Sanskrit works translated into English as well as various reports from travellers and missionaries. All are taken to represent a single Hindu civilization. 

Mill's eldest son, John Stuart Mill, who was subjected to his father’s radical methods of homeschooling during the years that Mill was working on History, described his father’s temper as “constitutionally irritable.” (23) In History, one can hear Mill bringing that irascibility to his evaluation of Hindu texts. His irritation was directed toward a clear political purpose. By demonstrating the "childish backwardness" of Indian society, Mill sought to persuade his British audience of the need for more forceful colonial intervention in Indian life.

Mill claims that religion plays a dominant role in Hindu civilization. “Everything in Hindustan,” he asserts, “was transacted by the Deity…. The astonishing exploits of the Divinity were endless in that sacred land.” Accordingly, Mill’s account of religion forms a central portion of his lengthy book 2, “Of the Hindus.” The Bhagavad Gita figures significantly as a witness in this section of History, along with the Laws of Manu, the Puranas, and missionary descriptions of contemporary Hindu practices. For Mill, the Gita does not exist as a narrative or part of the Mahabharata, and he does not bother with any attempt to comprehend Krishna’s complex teaching as a whole. Rather, the Gita is a source of passages to be excerpted and juxtaposed with passages from other sources, other centuries, and other schools of thought.

In Mill’s view, religion ought to provide a depiction of the cosmos as a perfect system governed by general laws and directed toward benevolent ends. He orders that the Hindus fail grievously on this scale. He writes: “No people, how rude and ignorant so ever, who have been so far advanced as to leave us memorials of their thoughts in writing, have ever drawn a more gross and disgusting picture of the universe, than what is prescribed in the writings of the Hindus.” Mill continues, “All is disorder, caprice, passion, contest, portents, prodigies, violence, and deformity.” (24) At his absurd best, Mill quotes the entire account of Arjuna’s vision of Krishna’s all-encompassing form at Kurukshetra as a “monstrous exhibition” of a guilty cosmology. 

Along with Manu’s prescriptions for the renunciatory stage of life, Mill cites the Gita description of the sthitaprajna, the person whose wisdom is firm, as a proof text., and says that these are the tortures that the religion of the Hindus requires. He misguides his readers, by saying that Hindu yogis are required to renounce all moral duties and affections. Mill is unaware that Krishna’s depiction of the sthitaprajna is explicitly directed toward persons living in the world who wish to employ yogic techniques of self-mastery within their worldly activities. Mill does not mention the advocacy in Krishna’s teachings to Arjuna to observe dharma, moral duty, as a basis for impartial social action.

James Mill

Then Mill concludes about India: “No coherent system of belief seems capable of being extracted from their wild eulogies and legends.”(25) Mill did not seek the widespread Christianization of India, as Grant had, but a secular alignment with his utilitarian values. His position at the East Indian Company later allowed him to enact this agenda within Company policies. While the romantics believed ancient India provides primordial wisdom for benighted Europe, Mill substituted it with the new nineteenth-century faith in the Anglicization of a "rude Indian civilization."

If Indian commentators often highlighted supreme utterances in the Gita as mahavakyas, Mill isolated passages from the text that best supported his pejorative vision of Hinduism. His History of British India became required reading for British personnel training for service in colonial India.

Hegel's Gita 

In Germany, the Bhagavad Gita had a different destiny. As Wilhelm von Schlegel realize, Germans did not have the same political ambition as the British to learn about India. He maintained that Germans did have a “special call to get to the bottom of Indian antiquity.”(26) He called for the application of the philological method and rigour. In the 1820s, Schlegel’s Devanagari edition and Latin translation of the Gita provoked a series of arguments among German savants that would determine the location of Indian antiquity. At stake was the place of India and its classical texts like the Gita in a universal history that nineteenth-century Europe was seeking to construct.

In explaining his choice of the Bhagavad Gita as his first Indic publication, Schlegel described the work as “a famous philosophical poem, praised in the whole of India, whose wisdom and sanctity can hardly be surpassed by any other.” Schlegel’s comment reflected the European desire to find a single key to Indian religious thought through the Gita.

Schlegel’s work in 1823, evoked some of the same fervour that had greeted Wilkins’s English translation four decades earlier. Wilhelm von Humboldt, the diplomat and linguist, wrote to Schlegel of his gratitude to destiny for giving him the opportunity to listen to the Gita in its original language. But the French Sanskritist Alexandre Langlois published a strong criticism of Schlegel’s translation in the new Journal asiatique in 1824. Schlegel’s failure to find single translational terms in Latin for certain crucial Sanskrit terms in the Gita, such as yoga, dharma, and brahman, were the issues.

Humboldt defended his friend Schlegel. In two lectures delivered in 1825 and 1826 at the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences in Berlin, and later published in the academy’s Proceedings, Humboldt proclaimed the Gita “the most beautiful, presumably the only real philosophical poem of all known works of literature.” (27) Humboldt observed that languages are not structured similarly. An important Sanskrit word like yoga or dharma may have a semantic range that does not correspond precisely to any single term in Latin, German, or any other language. Translators, Humboldt contended, must leave themselves open to the multiple meanings inherent in the original and seek to render that fully. Moreover, he asserted, a work rich in philosophical ideas like the Gita must be approached as an integral whole. He concluded: “I furthermore hold that there is hardly another means to elucidate the numerous dark spots that still remain in Indian mythology and philosophy than to excerpt, one by one, each of the works which can pass as their main sources, and investigate it completely and separately before comparing it with other works.”

Humboldt, who was instrumental in establishing the University of Berlin set the agenda for the scientific, empirical, and philological approach to the study of Indian antiquity pioneered by Schlegel and Bopp. In this, Humboldt was rejecting the reverse teleology of Herder and the romantics, who had looked to ancient India as a source of universal wisdom. He was also challenging the conception of history as the progressive self-manifestation of the Weltgeist or World Spirit, advocated by the Berlin professor of philosophy and guide of Marx, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. Hegel challenged Humboldt with two lengthy reviews of Humboldt’s lectures on the Gita, which he published in his Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche Kritik (Lectures on the Philosophy of Spirit) in 1827. (28)

Hegel’s view was centred on the movement of the remarkable Geist throughout human history. He viewed this as a single world-historical passage across time, connecting all human civilizations both East and West. Hegel shared the romantic premise that civilization had originated in the East. Yet he thought that this was not a privilege, for the East had remained mired in the early stages of the Spirit’s movement. The primordial did not hold a promise of renewal, as the earlier romantics had imagined. As the Spirit spread from East to West, finally reaching Berlin, it had superseded its own earlier forms. But the Spirit stopped in its tracks in India.

Reading the Bhagavad Gita, Hegel tried to demonstrate how its premises had contributed to the stultification of the Spirit in India. Hegel portrayed the Gita as expounding the basic essentials of the Hindu religion. Hegel identified the doctrine of yoga as “the essence of their religion as well as its most sublime concept of God.”

But Hegel’s depiction is much narrower than the explication that Krishna provides in the text. For Hegel, yoga requires withdrawal and isolation from the world, leading to a passive immersion into the brahman. Unlike the Christian God, Hegel contends, the Hindu brahman abdicates its divine obligation to engage in the world process. Hegel thus neglects the fact that Krishna proclaims himself the brahman, personally embodied on a real Indian battlefield, to persuade a warrior to engage in worldly combat. For Hegel, the "static" aspirations of Hinduism articulated in the Gita consigned India to a backward status, lacking the dynamic agency of the West. Hence, India’s political failure, yielding to an easy conquest by the British. It is spiritual inertia. 

Hegel has been never to India, and he had just copied his views on India, from British parliamentary reports. Then Marx plagiarised it from Hegel. About India, Hegel absurdly recorded: "The Hindoos have no history, no growth expanding into a veritable political condition. The diffusion of Indian culture had been a dumb, deedless expansion. The people of India have achieved no foreign conquests, but have on every occasion been vanquished themselves." (29)

Karl Marx copied it: "Indian society has no history, at least no known history. What we call its history of successive intruders who founded their empires on the passive basis of that unresisting and unchanging society." (30)

unaware of Advaita, Hegel then ridiculed Hinduism thus: "The ideology of the Hindoo culture is a pantheism of imagination, expressed in the universal deification of all finite existence and degradation of the Divine, deprivation of man of personality and freedom...the morality of which is involved in respect of human life is not found among the Hindoos." (31)

Marx repeated: "Murder itself a religious right in Hindoostan-a brutalizing worship of nature, exhibiting its degradation in the fact that man, the sovereign of nature, fell down on his knees in adoration of Hanuman, the monkey, and Sabbala, the cow." (32)

Obviously, both Hegel nor Marx had not known that India had moral texts like Mahabharata and Ramayana.

Vivekananda's Gita

Swami Vivekananda proved Hegel wrong by his interpretation of the Gita as an active text. He proved the Geist was moving in new directions that Hegel had not anticipated. The Gita was kept alive through meaningful readings of latter-day European romantics and US transcendentalists. European scholars editing Indian classics began to supply a fuller picture of the history of Indian religious thought and the place of the Gita within it.

New versions began to appear by the latter half of the nineteenth century. The second English translation came in 1855, by J. Cockburn Thomson. The Bhagavad Gita reappeared twice in 1882, translated by John C. Davies and the Indian jurist K. T. Telang, in the fifty-volume Sacred Books of the East, edited by Max Müller.

The Gita’s most popular new incarnation was Edwin Arnold’s 1885 poetic rendering, The Song Celestial. Although Arnold intended his work for an English audience, it had its most profound effect on the young Gandhi, studying law in London in the early 1890s. In that same decade, Vivekananda, the first of many Hindu holy men made a passage to the West and began to present the Bhagavad Gita in a new, compelling framework to Western audiences.

In 1893, Buddhist, Jain, Hindu, and Parsee religious speakers arrived in Chicago, where they represented their faiths to large audiences at the World’s Parliament of Religions, part of the World’s Columbian Exposition. Whitman had died a year earlier. Vivekananda created a wave at the Parliament keeping the Bhagavad Gita as a core text for his presentation.

It was through articles in the Madras newspaper the Hindu, word of the upcoming gathering reached Vivekananda. At the time he was living as a wandering mendicant in southern India. Vivekananda got the idea that travelling to the distant United States and speaking at this parliament might enable him to raise resources to aid in a plan to alleviate poverty in India. With the material support of the Maharaja of Khatri, Vivekananda made the long voyage.

He sailed on a new trans-Pacific ocean liner, the RMS Empress of India, out of Bombay by way of Hong Kong and Japan to disembark in Vancouver, and from there he travelled across the North American continent on the newly completed Canadian Pacific Railway to Winnipeg, then on the Great Western Railway to Chicago. Arriving six weeks before the Parliament, Vivekananda journeyed to Massachusetts and then briefly reverted to his homeless mode of life on the streets of Chicago after his money ran out until he was found sitting on a curb on North Dearborn Street, in an exclusive residential neighbourhood. Vivekananda was spotted by Ellen Hale the day before the Parliament was to begin. “Sir, are you a representative to the World’s Parliament of Religions?” she asked the exotic-looking visitor and hustled him off to the home of Reverend John Barrows, the chair of the event. (33) Though Vivekananda arrived without any official invitation, his persuasive personal charm enabled him to gain admission as one of the delegates representing Hinduism. Thus, the young Hindu emissary marched in procession into the hall on September 11, 1893, with over sixty other delegates and seated himself on the dais. On the first afternoon of the Parliament, he gave his opening remarks.

Vivekananda

Dressed in orange robes and turban, as soon as Vivekananda greeted the audience, “sisters and brothers of America,” the crowd responded with a tumultuous ovation. The organizers were confident in the superiority of Christianity, in its liberal American Protestant form. Vivekananda immediately laid claim to the virtue of tolerance on behalf of Hinduism. He declared: “I am proud to belong to a religion which has taught the world both tolerance and universal acceptance. We believe not only in universal tolerance, but we accept all religions as true.” This Parliament, he went on, could be seen as a fulfilment of Krishna’s statement in the Bhagavad Gita: “Whosoever comes to Me, through whatever form, I reach him; all men are struggling through paths which in the end lead to Me.” (34) The Gita was not a remnant of Indian backwardness or failure, as Mill or Hegel would have it, but rather a work of prescient modernity. The parliament was not a demonstration of Christian superiority but conversely a new pathway by which Americans too could struggle toward Krishna.

A few days later he presented to the Parliament, his “Paper on Hinduism.” The foundation of Hinduism, according to Vivekananda, is the revelation found in the ancient Vedas, and the Bhagavad Gita is the most authoritative commentary on the Vedas. The Vedas proclaim that the spirit, which lives in the body, will go on living after bodily death, through transmigration into another bodily form. The central problem is that the pure and perfect spirit is imprisoned in matter. The aim must be to burst the bondage of matter and thereby enable the spirit to reach its divine perfection. This is the core of the Hindu system.

All this is taught by Krishna, Vivekananda continued, who Hindus believe to have been God incarnate on earth. Vivekananda quoted Krishna: “I am in every religion as the thread through a string of pearls. Wherever thou seest extraordinary holiness and extraordinary power raising and purifying humanity, know that I am there.” As Krishna is present in all religions, salvation is available through many religious paths. One of Gita’s main achievements, according to Vivekananda, is its reconciliation of different paths in classical India. Krishna’s original insight, he observes, was that all these various spiritual disciplines could be seen as valid means to a common end. Vivekananda closed his lecture by endorsing the concept of a universal religion, suggesting it already exists in the form of ancient Hinduism.

In his lecture tour after the Parliament, from the Gita, he stressed two main themes he believed most people in the United States needed. First is Krishna’s tolerance of multiple paths toward spiritual attainment to counter the doctrinal rigidity he perceived in American Christianity of the time. Second was Krishna’s principle of nonattachment to the fruits of action in order to temper the acquisitive materialistic ethos of the American gilded age. Along the way, he made some strong criticisms of Christianity for its missionary practices in India. 

For the select disciples in the United States, he taught private classes on the Gita and the Upanishads and gave instruction in meditation. In 1894 he established the Vedanta Society of New York and a similar society in San Francisco in 1900. These groups of American seekers, instructed by Vivekananda and other swamis from the Ramakrishna Order in India, became the first continuing Hindu organization in the United States. (35)

The swami returned to India in 1897. Vivekananda was welcomed as a hero who had achieved a great victory for Hinduism and India. But he brought back a message that India also had much to learn from the energetic West. In colonial India, he proclaimed, people had become lethargic and needed to recover the virtue of work. As he lectured an assembly in Madras, the Bhagavad Gita already contained this message in its emphasis on socially engaged action or the path of karma yoga. “First of all, our young men must be strong. Religion will come afterwards,” he began. “You will understand the Gita better with your biceps, your muscles a little stronger. You will understand the mighty genius and the mighty strength of Krishna better with a little strong blood in you.” (36) Vivekananda quoted Krishna’s admonition to Arjuna, as a directive to young India: “Yield not to unmanliness, o Partha” (2.3). 

Through his passage, Vivekananda brought some of the “far-darting beams of the spirit” that Whitman celebrated from a land of an elder religion to the New World. Vivekananda in turn praised Whitman as “the sannyasin of America.” (37) At the same time, his success in the United States and effort to establish a more activist form of Hinduism in India, using Krishna’s presentation of karma yoga, contributed to a vital conversation in colonial India. The debate was political and cultural as much as religious: how to create a new, more assertive national ethos as part of the growing movement to gain independence from British control. The Bhagavad Gita played a major role in developing India's national ethos.

____________________________________

1George Hendrick, “Whitman’s Copy of the Bhagavad-Gita,” Walt Whitman Review 5 (1959): 12–14.

2. Walt Whitman, Leaves of Grass (New York: Viking Press, 1959). “Passage to India” was first added to the fifth edition (1871) of Leaves of Grass as an appendix.

3. Mary Lloyd, “Sir Charles Wilkins, 1749–1836), India Office Library and Records Report (1978): 9–39. 

4. Ezra Greenspan; Jonathan Rose (2003). Book History. Penn State Press. p 26, 50.

5. No. VIII, Sir Charles Wilkins, The Annual biography and obituary for the year 1817–1837, p. 69–72. Google Books

6. Salomon, Richard (1998). Indian Epigraphy. p 206-207, Wilkins, Charles (1788). Asiatic Researches. London: Printed for J. Sewell [etc.] pp. 278-281.

7. Charles Wilkins, A Grammar of the Sanskrita Language (London: C. Nourse, 1808), xi. 

8. Charles Wilkins, “A Catalogue of Sanskrita Manuscripts Presented to the Royal Society by Sir William and Lady Jones (1798),” in vol. 13, The Works of Sir William Jones (Delhi: Agam Prakashan, 1980).

9. Charles Wilkins, The Bhagavat-Gēētā, or Dialogues of Kreeshna and Arjoon, in Eighteen Lectures; with Notes (London: C. Nourse, 1785), 24–25.

10. Ibid., 24.

11. P. J. Marshall, The British Discovery of Hinduism in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1970), 12.

12. Sydney G. Grier, The Letters of Warren Hastings to His Wife (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and Sons, 1905), 364–65.

13. Warren Hastings, “To Nathaniel Smith, Esquire,” in The Bhagavat-Gēētā, or Dialogues of Kreeshna and Arjoon, ed. Charles Wilkins (London: C. Nourse, 1785), 10.

14. Raymond Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance: Europe’s Rediscovery of India and the East, 1680–1880 (New York: Columbia University Press). A. Leslie Willson, A Mythical Image: The Ideal of India in German Romanticism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1964); Wilhelm Halbfass, India and Europe: An Essay in Understanding (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1988); Bradley L. Herling, The German Gita: Hermeneutics and Discipline in the German Reception of Indian Thought, 1778–1831 (New York: Routledge, 2006); Vishwa Adluri and Jagdeep Bagchee, The Nay Science: A History of German Indology (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014). K. G. Srivastava, Bhagavad-Gītā and the English Romantic Movement (Delhi: Macmillan India Ltd., 2002).

15. Quoted in Schwab, Oriental Renaissance, 71.

16. ibid., 161.

17. Rosane Rocher, Alexander Hamilton (1762–1824): A Chapter in the Early History of Sanskrit Philology (New Haven, CT: American Oriental Society, 1968).

18. Friedrich von Schlegel, The Aesthetic and Miscellaneous Works of Friedrich von Schlegel, trans. E. J. Millington (London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849), 427.

19. Henry David Thoreau, Walden, or, Life in the Woods (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1992). On Thoreau and the Gita, see Robert D. Richardson Jr., Henry Thoreau: A Life of the Mind (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Paul Friedrich, The Gita within Walden (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2006); Barbara Stoller Miller, “Afterword: Why Did Henry David Thoreau Take theBhagavad-Gita to Walden Pond,” in The Bhagavad-gita: Krishna’s Counsel in Time of War, trans. Barbara Stoller Miller (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986).

20. J. N. Farquhar, Gītā and Gospel (Madras: Christian Literature Society, 1917); it portrays the Gītā as “the cry of the Hindu people for an incarnate Saviour” (32). Catherine Cornille, ed., Song Divine: Christian Commentaries on the Bhagavad Gītā (Leuven: Peeters, 2006).

21. Quoted in Wilkins, Bhagavat Gēētā, 13. P. J. Marshall, “Warren Hastings as Scholar and Patron,” in Statesmen, Scholars, and Merchants: Essays in Eighteenth Century History Presented to Dame Lucy Sutherland, ed. Anne Bramley J. S. Whiteman and P.G.M. Dickenson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), 342–62.

22. James Mill, The History of British India (London: Baldwin, Cradock and Joy, 1826). Thomas R. Trautmann, Aryans and British India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).

23. Terence Ball, “James Mill,” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, ed. H.C.G. Matthew and Brian Harrison (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 38:150.

24. Mill, History of British India, 329–30.

25. Ibid., 283.

26. Herling, The German Gita, 168.

27. Herbert Herring, Introduction to On the Episode of the Mahābhārata Known by the Name Bhagavad-Gītā by Wilhelm von Humboldt, by Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (New Delhi: Indian Council of Philosophical Research, 1995), xiv–xv.

28. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, On the Episode of the Mahābhārata Known by the Name Bhagavad-Gītā by Wilhelm von Humboldt, trans. Herbert Herring (New Delhi: Indian Council of Philosophical Research, 1995).

29. Hegel, The Philosophy of History, trans. J Sibree, 1956, p 163, Dover Publications, NY

30. Karl Marx, The New York Daily Tribune, 8 August 1853

31. Hegel, The Philosophy of History, p 140, 141, 150

32. Marx, The New York Daily Tribune, 25 June 1853.

33. Vivekananda’s rendering of Bhagavad Gītā 4.11. For his addresses at the parliament, Swami Vivekananda, The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda, 8 vols. (Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama, 1970–73), 1:3–24. Harold W. French, “Swami Vivekananda’s Use of the Bhagavadgita,” in Modern Indian Interpreters of the Bhagavadgita, ed. R. N. Minor (Albany, NY: Suny Press, 1986), 131–46.

34. Carl T. Jackson, Vedanta for the West: The Ramakrishna Movement in the United States (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994).

35. Swami Nikhilananda, Vivekananda: A Biography (New York: Ramakrishna-Vivekananda Center, 1953), 60.

36. Vivekananda, “Madras Lecture,” in Complete Works, 3:242.

37.  Nikhilananda, Vivekananda: A Biography, 69.

Note: I am greatly indebted to The Bhagavad Gita, A Biography by Richard H Davis, published by Princeton University Press, 2014


© Ramachandran 


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